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10:45 A.M. EST

MODERATOR:  Hi, everyone.  Thanks for joining our gaggle today.  Kirby has a few words here at the top, and then we’ll get into your questions.

MR. KIRBY:  Hey, everybody.  Good morning.  I know you’re all still focused on the news coming out of Syria, as are we.  Just a couple of points at the top. 

We continue to carefully monitor developments there, as you would expect that we are.  The President is staying fully briefed by his national security team, and that will remain the case going forward.  This is something that he had been — and the team had been watching develop over the last week or so, and certainly he’s going to stay completely up to speed and informed on it.  As a matter of fact, he’s also, as you know, reaching out to counterparts in the region.  He spoke with King Abdullah yesterday. 

I don’t have any additional calls to read out at this time, but I think it’s safe to say that he will be — he will stay in contact with our counterparts in the region.  And he has directed the national security team to do the same. 

Jake Sullivan, our National Security Advisor, will be traveling to Israel tomorrow.  Certainly there will be a lot on the agenda in those discussions, but Syria will no doubt be at the top of that list. 

And then, I think you can expect to see, in coming days, other Cabinet-level and other national security-level individuals traveling to the region and/or having conversations with their counterparts.  So, stay tuned for that.

Now, as for what’s actually happening on the ground, it remains an open question exactly how this is going to play out politically.  As you know, there are multiple rebel groups that are in Damascus right now, multiple opposition groups that are involved.  And as the President said, they’re all saying the right things, but we’re going to have to watch and see what they actually do. 

We want to make sure that, at the end of this, whatever the governing authority looks like, whatever institutions are preserved — and again, we noted that the opposition groups have made clear that they want the Syrian army, for instance, to stay intact — that the Syrian people get to determine what their future looks like and that whatever processes are put in place, they are Syrian-led.  And we want to assist in that, and we will certainly do that internally and externally. 

Internally to the region, we have the ability to communicate with the opposition groups, and we’ll continue to do that.  And we also, as I already highlighted, will maintain open communications with counterparts and interlocutors in the region but outside Syria.

We want to make sure that the aspirations of the Syrian people are fully met.  They have suffered enough over 14 years.  And we’re going to be working very, very hard to do that, particularly through existing U.N.-led processes.  But it’s got to be — ultimately, it’s got to be a Syrian-led evolution here towards better and more representative governance. 

We believe it is in our interest, our national security interest, that Syria be stable and secure and that, again, the Syrian people are able to determine their future.  It’s in our interest in the region. 

It is also in our interest that we continue to put pressure on ISIS, and so the counter-ISIS mission by our troops in Syria continues.  The President talked about a wave of strikes we conducted on Sunday, 75-somewhat strikes on ISIS camps and facilities.  You can expect that that kind of activity will continue.  We don’t want to give ISIS an opportunity to exploit what’s going on.  They love nothing more than ungoverned space.  And back to my first point, we want to make sure that all of Syria is properly governed and that the Syrian people, again, have a say in that. 

So, the pressure on ISIS will absolutely continue, because that, too, is very much in our national security interest, and we’ll stay at that. 

I want to just briefly also — as I’m sure you guys will ask, and so let me just let you know — we don’t have any additional information on Austin Tice.  This development could present an opportunity for us to glean more information about him, his whereabouts, his condition. 

But as you and I are speaking here this morning, I can’t report that we have any additional context.  We will work this, as we have, very, very hard.  And we’ll keep the Tice family as informed as we possibly can.  We want to see him home with his family where he belongs.  The President mentioned that as well over the weekend, and I can assure you that we are pushing as hard as we can to learn as much as we can, but I don’t have any additional context to share with you today. 

I think it’s important, before I leave the topic of Syria, to just take a step back and review some of how we got here.  And it is true, I think unequivocally true, that much of the developments that we’ve seen in Syria is an outgrowth of the fact that Assad’s biggest supporters, Russia and Iran, are significantly weakened now.  And that is tied directly, as the President said, to unflagging American support for Israel in their fight against Hamas and in the effort to secure a ceasefire with Hezbollah.  And it is absolutely an outgrowth of our support for Ukraine that has consistently weakened Russian military forces and certainly caused the Russians to refocus the great locus of their military efforts on that war in Ukraine that they started. 

And there’s just no way to look at it and see otherwise.  They are both significantly distracted and weakened by the efforts in the Middle East and in Europe and American support for our allies and partners in both places. 

It isn’t just that Russia and Iran were unwilling to help Assad after 14 years; it is that they were unable to.  And again, the United States played a major role in that. 

Lastly, if I could, just a programming note.  Jake will be meeting this afternoon with hostage families, right on the eve of his travel to Israel.  And as I mentioned earlier, certainly Syria is going to be at the top of the agenda.  But without question, the most important thing Jake is going to want to talk to the Israelis about is how we can try to get a hostage deal in place so that we can get their loved ones back home where they belong, get them the answers that they deserve and that they need.  And so, he’s going to be having another opportunity to have that conversation with them today.

I would remind that this has been a regular drumbeat for Jake.  He does this on a routine basis, keeping them informed and updated.  I am not in a position today where I can tell you that we have a deal that is on the brink of completion; that is not where we are.  But it is fair to say that we are working this extremely hard.  We do think there’s an opportunity here to get a hostage deal in place, to get these families reunited, to get a surge of humanitarian assistance into Gaza.  But again, there’s an awful lot of work that still has to be done.  Hamas continues to be the obstacle to that outcome, but we’re pressing on it really, really hard.

With that, I can take some questions.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our first question will go to Aamer with the AP.

Q    Hey.  Thank you both.  Just had a couple of Syria follow-ups.  Does the administration have any concerns about Israel moving its troops into the buffer zone in Golan Heights?  And also, with Israel’s military operations in Syria, does it have the U.S. blessing to attack chemical strategic weapon sites?

And then, just finally, you sort of talked about the nexus of Ukraine in the fall of Assad.  Has the administration, in its interactions with the incoming administration, been making that argument and perhaps trying to make the pitch for why there needs to continue to be Ukraine support? 

And if there’s anything generally you could offer on the coordination briefing of the incoming Trump administration, how that’s gone down with what’s going on in Syria.  Thanks.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Yeah, Aamer, there’s an awful lot there. 

Look, on the Israeli operations over and around the Golan Heights, I’m going to let the Israelis speak to that.  I would point you to what they’ve already said, that these are exigent operations to eliminate what they believe are imminent threats to their security, and we certainly recognize that they live in a tough neighborhood and that they have, as always, the right to defend themselves.  But I’m going to let them speak to what they’re doing and the particulars of it. 

There is, as you know, a 1974 disengagement agreement that that all parties have signed up to.  We obviously still support that agreement, and we’re in close touch with our Israeli counterparts here, as these things kind of develop.

I will say, just on the chemical weapons piece, I mean, we do know that Assad had preserved at least some capability that he had proven in the past willing to use it on his people.  And, look, you know, there’s a lot of uncertainty right now, as I said in my opening statement, about how the political situation is going to unfold.  Lots of different rebel opposition groups involved here.  Not all of them are groups that we countenance, at least not officially. 

So, we too have concerns about the existence and potential use of chemical agents in Syria.  So, I think I’d just leave it at that.

As for your question about the discussions with the new team, let me put it this way: Nothing that we’re doing and nothing that we’re saying ought to come as a surprise to the incoming team.  We have the ability and have had conversations with appropriate officials in the incoming Trump team, particularly about what’s going on in Syria but also what’s going on in Ukraine and in the Middle East writ large.  So those conversations have happened.  They are still happening.  And I have every expectation that, going forward, Jake Sullivan and other leaders here in the National Security Council will, as appropriate, continue to keep the incoming team informed. 

They will decide for themselves what policies they might want to keep in place, what approaches they might want to continue and which ones they won’t.  I can’t speak for what their prerogatives are going to be.  All I can speak to is what our prerogatives are, and I kind of lay a little bit of them out in my opening statement. 

We believe it is in our national security interest that Syria emerge from this as a stable, secure, sovereign state; that the Syrian people have a say in determining what that sovereignty looks like, what their government looks like.  It’s got to be a process that meets their aspirations as they define those aspirations.  That’s in our national security interest.

And it’s also in our national security interest that ISIS can’t exploit it and that the pressure needs to be kept up on that group. 

So, that’s — we’ve been very, very open about that with all of you.  We’ve been open about it with ourselves.  The President has made sure that we’re focused on those two national security interests.  And we certainly have been open about it in our conversations, as appropriate, with Trump officials that are coming in.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Michael with McClatchy.

Q    Thanks, Sam.  John, you just mentioned (inaudible) on Austin Tice’s whereabouts and condition.  Obviously, the President said the administration believes that he’s alive, on Sunday.  Can you help just square that circle for us?  How do you know that he’s alive if you don’t know where he is or his condition?  And do you have high-confidence sources, like the Tice family has said, telling you that he’s alive and was being held in the Damascus area?  Thanks.

MR. KIRBY:  Yeah, look, I’m obviously going to be a little careful here, because, you know, we want to see him back with his family, and I’m not going to get into intelligence information here in an on-the-record gaggle. 

I would just tell you that our going assumption is that he’s still alive; that we have no indication, no information to the contrary.  But we also don’t have complete information about where he is or what his condition is.  So, I’m just being as honest with you as I can.  No indication that he isn’t alive, but also no indication about where he is or what his condition is. 

And that is why, as I said in my opening statement, we believe that the developments in Syria could present an opportunity to gain more context, more information, which could then potentially give us options for how to move forward.  But the goal remains the same: We want to get him back to his family, where he belongs. 

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Andrea Mitchell with NBC.

Q    Hi, John.  Thank you.  With reference also to what the Israelis are doing, that buffer zone, if you could be a little bit more — do you think that these are appropriate defensive moves?  Are you at all concerned, if they’re not temporary, that this could provoke other reactions from other neighbors?  In particular, what concerns might you have about what Turkey does with the PKK and others, including the SDF, whom we support in the northeast region?  Thank you very much. 

MR. KIRBY:  Thanks, Andrea.  At the risk of sounding like a broken record — again, we support this disengagement agreement from 1974.  I’ll let the Israelis speak to what they’re doing. 

The only thing I would say differently or additionally to what I said before on this question to Aamer is that, as things go forward, what we want to see from all actors inside Syria and outside Syria are actions that help the Syrian people get to governance that they can believe in and governance that, again, meets their aspirations.  We don’t want to see any actor, inside or outside, take actions or do things or espouse policies or programs that run afoul of that process.  And that’s why the President is going to stay engaged with our counterparts outside Syria, and we are going to maintain communications with those inside Syria to make sure that that’s where we go.

Again, I’d point you back to what the Israelis have said.  This is an exigent move.  They’ve said publicly that they don’t envision this being some sort of a long-term set of operations.  And so, I think I’ll just — I’ll leave it there.  We don’t want to see any actor, again, move themselves in such a way that makes it harder for the Syrian people to get at legitimate governance. 

And then, you know, you asked a little bit about the Turks, which is sort of a tangential thing to what you’re — I think your first question.

Look, number one, the Turks have a legitimate counterterrorism threat that they too have a right to deal with; they too have a right to defend their citizens and their territory against terrorist attacks.  And they have come under those kinds of terrorist attacks in the not-so-distant past.  So we recognize they have that right, and they’re an important NATO Ally. 

We have interest, as I said, in going after ISIS, and that means partnering with the Syrian Democratic Forces.  And that will continue.  And where those two goals overlap, or potentially conflict, we will have — as we have, we will have the appropriate conversations with the Turks about how both those outcomes can be achieved.  And I think I’ll just leave it there.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to David Sanger with the New York Times.

Q    Thanks, John.  Two questions for you on this.  First is, there was a brief reference before to the chemical weapons action that Israel is taking, and they’ve also announced that they sank whatever there was of the Syrian navy overnight as well.  Is the U.S. providing intel?  And obviously, we’ve been tracking their chemical weapons sites for more years than I can think.  Is there any U.S. help going on to them, even if it’s just intel support and so forth?

And then the second just goes to your argument that because of the U.S. actions that have weakened the Russians and the Iranians, and the Iranians’ inability to strike Israel, you thought that the administration made it possible for all of this to happen.  I’m sure you’ve heard the alternative argument here, which is: Had Netanyahu listened to President Biden’s advice and not attacked Hezbollah, which we were discouraging him from doing for fear of a wider war, that, in fact, it’s unlikely that you would have seen Assad fall.  So I was just wondering if you would just take that head on.

MR. KIRBY:  Yeah.  I’m not going to — as you know, we have robust intelligence-sharing with Israel, as you might expect we would, and I’m not going to characterize what that looks like. 

I’ve already kind of responded to the issue about our view of what they’re doing.  And again, I’d point you back to what they’ve said, that these are exigent circumstances and non-permanent operations that they’re conducting.

On the counterargument, as you put it, for going after Hezbollah: Again, I think you need to take a step back here.  And I don’t think it’s — I don’t think that anybody should overemphasize one particular operation, whether it’s against Hamas or against Hezbollah, as being the game changer here.  It is the sum total of American support for Israel and their ability to defend themselves.  And it is very much — and this is a point that I think is getting lost here, David — very much this ceasefire, in fact, that we mediated between Israel and Lebanon, and Hezbollah, that sent a strong signal to people in the region that Hezbollah was done, Hezbollah was out of it.  They weren’t going to come to Hamas’s assistance, and Iran wasn’t going to be able to rely on them.  And don’t mistake for a moment that there weren’t groups in Syria that paid attention to the fact that Hezbollah was no longer in the fight. 

But I think the fact that in the aggregate we have been robust in our support of Israel’s right to defend itself, and backing that up with real arms and ammunition, as well as diplomatic efforts, played a real role here.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Karen with the Washington Post. 

Q    Just to (inaudible), as you say, beat a dead horse: On the Israeli actions in Syria, the U.N. Envoy for Syria gave a very strong statement this morning about what the Israelis are doing.  They’re both in the disengagement zone and (inaudible) in Syrian territory itself — I mean, they’re in Quneitra — and some of the air strikes.  And said, “This has to stop.”  You said you recognize the disengagement agreement.  You said, ask the Israelis what they’re doing.  The Israelis have said what they’re doing.  The question is not what are the Israelis doing.  The question is does the United States agree with it.

And separately, on the north, Turkey and the SNA have said that their forces have pushed the SDF out of Manbij and across the Euphrates River.  The SDF said this morning that that’s not true, that there is fighting going on in Manbij.  Does the United States believe that the SDF should just move across the river and let the Turks take that over?  Or what is our position on that particular (inaudible), not only in and around Manbij but other places?

MR. KIRBY:  On the first question, Karen, I really — at the risk of just repeating what I’ve said before, which I’m sure nobody wants to hear again, I really don’t have anything more to add.  I’ve addressed this question about Israel’s operations in and around and over the Golan Heights, and I’m just going to leave it there.

On your second question, we’re not in a position to verify the exact operational status of Manbij.  We have been in close contact with the Turks about this, and certainly remain in close contact with the Syrian Democratic Forces about trying to make sure they stay focused on the counter-ISIS mission that we are partnered with them on.  That’s our priority, and we’re going to continue to do that. 

And one of the reasons why we have said publicly in the past that some of these operations elsewhere along that border, conducted by Turkish military forces, are problematic is because it does have that risk of pulling the SDF away from the counter-ISIS mission, which we don’t want to see happen.  And those are conversations that we’re having with the Turks as well. 

And as I said in my opening statement, you’re going to see continued outreach by the national security team with counterparts in the region about what’s happening in Syria.  And I can assure you that some of those conversations are going to be with our Turkish counterparts as well.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Amy with Foreign Policy.

Q    Thanks.  On the call on Sunday night with a senior administration official, if I recall, they said that the U.S. has contacts with all groups in Syria, which presumably includes, then, HTS.  Could you just give us more detail on what those interactions have been like, what channels you’re using?  And have you explicitly communicated what steps you’d like to see from them to see them get delisted as a terror group?

MR. KIRBY:  I’m not going to go into great detail about what the vehicles actually look like.  There are some opposition rebel groups that we have communicated directly with for many, many years.  There’s open lines of communication, and they stay open and we use them. 

Now, there are other groups where we communicate in various other ways, sometimes directly, sometimes indirectly.  But I don’t think it’s helpful for me to go into the mechanisms that are in place at this early stage. 

I would just reiterate what the senior administration official said, which is absolutely true: We do have ways to communicate with all of them, and we are pulling on those ways, as you would expect that we would. 

And then, your second question sort of implies that we’re on a path towards delisting.  And I would just say that there’s no — there are no discussions right now about changing the policy with respect to HTS, but we are watching what they do.  As the President said, Mr. al-Jolani and others are saying all the right things.  This only just happened within the last couple of days, so we got to watch and see what they actually do and the degree to which they make good on their pledges. 

So we’re just not at a point now where we can have a serious discussion about delisting anyone at this point.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Arlette with CNN.

Q    Thank you.  If I could just touch again on the communications with these rebel groups.  Has the U.S. specifically spoken with Mohammed al-Bashir since he’s been named the caretaker, or are there plans to either directly or through an intermediary?

And you also talked a bit about how there’s coordination with the Trump team on all of these topics relating to the Middle East.  Does President Biden specifically plan to speak with President-elect Trump about the situation in Syria since Sunday?

MR. KIRBY:  I don’t have any conversations with al-Bashir to speak to, but I’ll tell you what I’ll do: I will take that question.  I’m not aware of any conversations that anybody has had with him at this early stage, but I’ll take the question.

And then, I don’t have any additional conversations with President-elect Trump to speak to at this point.  I would say that we remain in touch with his key incoming — the people he’s designated as his key national security team leaders, and certainly that includes Jake’s ongoing conversations with Congressman Waltz.  But I don’t have any specific conversations with President Trump to speak to at this time.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Lara with the Wall Street Journal.

Q    Hi.  Thanks for doing this.  I just wanted to follow up on my colleague’s question about your discussions with Turkey.  I’m wondering if you’ve specifically — if the administration has specifically spoken with them about refraining from attacks on the SDF, particularly in the northeast.  We’ve seen reports that they’re attacking Kobani today, so I’m wondering if those talks are going on through diplomatic channels.

MR. KIRBY:  I won’t get into the details of the discussions, Lara, but as I indicated, we have and will remain in close touch with our Turkish counterparts to deconflict as best we can and to make clear what we believe our national security interests are in Syria.  And as I said in my opening statement, one of those is the counter-ISIS mission, which does require partnering with the SDF.

Q    And then also, just — I wanted to follow up on the chemical weapons question as well.  The Israelis have said that they’re making some moves to ensure that chemical weapons don’t — Assad’s chemical weapons don’t end up in the wrong hands.  Does the U.S. have any role in this at the moment?

MR. KIRBY:  I think I sort of dealt with this question a little bit earlier.  I mean, we’re not involved in the Israeli operations that they’re conducting.  These are Israeli operations, and I’m going to let them speak to them.

Again, we remind that the Israelis have made clear these are temporary measures to ensure their own security.  They have a right to defend themselves.  And as I said earlier, you know, we certainly share concerns about the potential existence of and/or potential use of chemical weapons in Syria.  And I think I’m just going to leave it at that. 

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Robbie with Politico.

Q    Hey.  Thanks for doing this.  First, what’s the White House’s view of how Assad’s fall, if at all, has altered the prospect for hostage talks with Sullivan going to Israel, even indirectly?

And second, going off of Lara’s question on the U.S.-backed Kurdish fighters, as you know, the Kurds oversee about 50,000 ISIS detainees and their families in those camps in northeast Syria.  Are you urging Turkey to halt — to urge its own militias to halt that offensive against Kurdish forces?  And is there any fear of instability in the northeast risking the security of those camps?  Thanks. 

MR. KIRBY:  I’m sorry, what was your first question?  I missed it.

Q    Just on — how has the fall of Assad, if at all, altered the prospect for hostage talks with regards to Gaza, even indirectly?  You talked about Sullivan going to the region, possibly new pathways to negotiations there.

MR. KIRBY:  Well, look, Hamas has got to be looking out at the world today and realizing that the cavalry is not coming to rescue them.  And so, one would hope that recent developments in Syria reinforce for them that they are just increasingly isolated and ought to take a deal. 

So, certainly, when Jake goes to talk about the potential for a new hostage deal, he goes with, obviously, the developments of the last few days in the background of all that as context.  And it remains to be seen whether Hamas will move, but they absolutely ought to move because there is nobody coming to their assistance.  They can’t rely on Hezbollah.  They certainly can’t rely on Iran.  And this is the time to make a deal.  So we’ll see what happens.  They have consistently been an obstacle on that.

And then, on your second question, we are absolutely concerned about these detention facilities in Syria.  They’re not — you mentioned some in the north and the east.  There’s actually some in the north and the west as well.  Some of these detention facilities do house ISIS fighters, largely of a lower level, but nevertheless ISIS fighters.  And so, we are talking to all of our counterparts, including the Turks, about the status of those detention facilities and about our collective concern of the potential for them to be opened up or for people to be able to get out. 

Now, I will remind — or maybe you know this — I mean, most of them in the east are run by the SDF, who are our partners.  And so, you know, we know we can rely on their ability to continue to properly safeguard those facilities, the ones that are in the east.  But it is a concern, no question about it, and it’s part of the conversations that we’re having.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Keleigh with NewsNation.

Q    Hi, John.  Thanks for taking my question.  Kind of following up on President Biden and then President-elect Trump, both on, you know, foreign policy, kind of talking about different developments, either with Syria or in other places, I’m just curious how this may affect or have an impact on the remaining 41 days or so of President Biden trying to cement his foreign policy legacy.  So, this in regard to Syria as well as in other conflicts.

MR. KIRBY:  I’m not really sure how to answer that one, except to say that, as I sort of mentioned at the beginning, we believe that developments in Syria very much prove the case of President Biden’s assertive foreign policy and our constant and unrelenting support for partners and allies.

One of the things that he started doing at the very beginning was revitalizing alliances and partnerships that, as we came into office, we believed had been let to lapse, or disrespected or ignored, and he turned that around to a fare-thee-well.

We have closer relations in the Indo-Pacific than we’ve ever had before and improved trilateral cooperation between Japan and South Korea.  We have the AUKUS deal, which is now putting Australia on a path to a nuclear-powered submarine.  NATO is bigger and stronger than it’s ever been before.  And where there weren’t alliances, President Biden created coalitions to get things done, such as the 50-plus nations to go support Ukraine and the 20-plus nations that are helping us in the Red Sea defend against Houthi attacks against commercial shipping. 

I think what the President is focused on with the time that he has left is continuing to use this assertive foreign policy and the advantage that our alliances and partnerships give us to see better outcomes.  We’re starting to see bet- — well, you know, certainly it’s early goings in Syria, but we believe that this assertive foreign policy has impacted events in Syria.  It remains to be seen where it’s going to go, but also to finish

so many of the things that we started, and one of those things is to try to get a ceasefire deal — or, I’m sorry, a hostage deal with Hamas. 

But, I mean, my goodness, just since the election, you know, we’ve brokered a ceasefire with Lebanon, between Israel and Lebanon.  And he cemented a huge economic opportunity in Africa with the Lobito rail corridor, which you all probably saw last week.  And we secured deals with China on artificial intelligence.  And we brought additional people that were wrongfully detained from China back home.  And all this is just since, you know, Election Day. 

So what the President is focused on is, with the time he has left, continuing to move these balls forward.  And again, I think you’re going to see that. 

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Danny with the AFP. 

Q    Hey there.  Thanks for that, Admiral.  Just a couple of things.  Firstly, at the G7 virtual meeting this Friday, what is the President going to be discussing with the other leaders in terms of Syria?  Are they going to be coming out with some kind of agreement on backing a transitional government, for example? 

And secondly, just wanted to ask what you guys think of the fact that the possible incoming Director of National Intelligence previously met with Assad.  Thanks.

MR. KIRBY:  Syria and Ukraine will absolutely be on the agenda for the G7.  We’ll have more to say about that agenda as we get a little closer to the end of the week.  So I don’t want to steal anybody’s thunder, but you can bet that those two topics will be front and center.  And again, we’ll have more to share. 

I’m not going to comment on individuals that the incoming team and the President-elect are — that he’s looking at or has announced for various jobs.  That’s not our place here at the National Security Council.  We’re focused, as I said earlier, on certainly, in the national security space and the foreign policy space, executing on the President’s agenda and trying to finish out the time we have left in the strongest way possible. 

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  And unfortunately, we only have time for one more question because we’re about to get kicked out of our room.  So, over to James Rosen.

Q    Okay, thank you so much, Sam.  And thank you, Admiral.  I actually have two questions. 

First, senior administration officials have acknowledged that the fall of Aleppo to HTS came as a surprise to the U.S. intelligence community.  What accounts for that intelligence failure?  And from where did HTS, apparently under the nose of our intelligence community, acquire all of its weapons, training, and funding?  That’s the first question. 

MR. KIRBY:  You want to go with number two first, or you want me to just take that one?

Q    If you would take that one, please. 

MR. KIRBY:  I’m not going to talk about intelligence issues here in this gaggle, James.  As I said, we’ve been watching events unfold here for more than a week in Syria.  We’ve been staying abreast of it as best we can, keeping the President abreast of it. 

No doubt that things have moved quickly.  I’m not going to deny that one bit.  And we believe, as I mentioned to David Sanger — we believe that a factor in the fast nature of this was, in fact, that the ceasefire deal between Israel and Lebanon, that that sent yet another strong signal to folks in the region that Iran’s so-called Axis of Resistance was a lot weaker than people had anticipated.

Q    Before I go to the second question, you have nothing you want to say about where HTS derives its support from? 

MR. KIRBY:  I’m not going to get into that at this point. 

Q    Second question: I want to follow up on what David Sanger asked you and give you an opportunity to defend President Biden and his legacy, but also take issue with some of what you’ve had to say here so far. 

This notion that the Biden administration played this indispensable role in creating and handing over to the incoming administration a vastly revamped Middle East marked by Israeli triumphs over Iranian proxies, and this corresponding diminution in Iranian power and capability. 

From the Israelis’ perspective, contrary to what you said, which was that President Biden’s support has been unflagging and unrelenting, it has, in fact, flagged and relented at various points.  To wit, President Biden himself publicly proclaimed Israel’s response to the October 7 attacks to be, quote, “over the top.”  He withheld at least one arms shipment from the Israelis, and he used the world stage repeatedly to denigrate and otherwise criticize Prime Minister Netanyahu and his conduct of these conflicts. 

Indeed, much of what the Israelis have done that has served to weaken Iran has been done against the advice and warnings of Mr. Biden and his national security team.  So my question is this: Isn’t it disingenuous, at a minimum, for the Biden team to be crowing over this checkered record of support for our closest strategic ally in that region?

MR. KIRBY:  No.

Q    You don’t want to address anything else or the fact that he said it was over the top, the fact that he withheld an arms shipment from them, the fact that he’s been so critical, the fact that he advised against the very offensive against Lebanon that you’re now saying was so critical to the fall of Assad?

MR. KIRBY:  I don’t think your (inaudible) merits a response, James.  It’s just wrong on so many fronts.  And I’m not going to belabor everybody’s time by going through it point by point. 

This is the President who put fighter aircraft up, not once but twice, to defend Israel.  No president has done that before.  No president has gone to Israel while they’re at war, like President Biden has done.  And no president has done more to send shipments and arms to Israel so that they can continue to defend themselves. 

I could go on and on, because the premise of your question is just so incredibly wrong, but I’m not going to do that and waste everybody’s time.  If you and I — you want to have a conversation, I’m happy to talk to you offline on this.  But, my goodness, there is so much wrong with your question, it just befuddles me.  And I don’t have the time to address it right now.

MODERATOR:  Okay.  Thank you, James.

That is all the time we have for our gaggle today.  I know we have a lot of hands still raised.  I’m so sorry we weren’t able to get to you. 

As always, reach out to the NSC press distro, and we’ll try to get back to you as soon as we can.  Thanks, everyone.

11:29 A.M. EST

The post On-the-Record Press Gaggle by White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby appeared first on The White House.

Brookings Institution

Washington, D.C.

12:43 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  I’m — I’m here to steal her back.  (Laughter.) 

You’re the best, Cec.

DR. ROUSE:  Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT:  You really are.  Thank you. 

Well, this is only a 400-page speech.  (Laughter.)  You know, we — I wanted to talk about how we’re — the economy, and it is a — it is a daunting task to talk about the transition we’re trying to initiate here.  

I want to thank you, Glenn.  And thank you, CeCe, for the introduction and for the leadership you’ve se- — you served as the chair of the — my Council of Economic Advisors.

And it’s great to be back at Brookings Institution.  I started here 400 years ago as a senator.  (Laughter.)  God, it’s hard to believe.  That’s long ago.  Oh, I don’t want to admit it.  Anyway.  But — and then as vice president.  And I was — when I was thinking about running for president, I came here, and now as president.

Last month, I spoke to the Economic Club of Washington D.C. about the pivotal actions we took to rescue the economy from the devastating harm caused by the — by the way the — in my view, the pandemic was handled and how we delivered immediate economic relief to those most in need.  We got back to full employment, got inflation back down, managed the soft landing that most people thought was not very much likely to happen.

Today, here at Brookings Institution, I would like to talk about pivotal actions we’ve taken to rebuild the economy for the long haul, you know, and how we’re — how we’re at a critical, in my view, moment in the direction the economy is going to take.

Next month, my administration will end and a new administration will begin.  Most economists agree the new administration is going to inherit a fairly strong economy, at least at the moment — an economy going through a fundamental transformation that’s laid out a stronger foundation and a sustainable, broad-based, highly productive growth.  And it is my profound hope that the new administration will preserve and build on this progress. 

Like most grace [great] economic developments, this one is neither red nor blue, and America’s progress is everyone’s progress. 

After decades of trickle-down economics that primarily benefitted those at the very top, we — we’ve written a new book that’s growing the economy — the middle-out and the bottom-up — that benefits, thus far, everyone.  And that’s going to be the test with go- — going forward. 

Over 16 million new jobs — that’s new jobs — the most in any single presidential term in American history; the lowest average unemployment rate of any administration in the last 50 years; 20 million applications for new business records — I mean, it’s — it’s for a new business — for ri- — that is a record, I should say; stock market hits record highs.  I wish I owned a lot of stock.  (Laughter.) 

You know the worst part of all this that I can acknowledge at Brookings?  For 36 years, I was listed as the poorest man in Congress.  (Laughter.)  What a foolish man. 

Anyway, 401(k)s are up.  More than a trillion dollars in private-sector investment in clean energy and advanced manufacturing in just two years alone.  After decades of sending jobs overseas for the cheapest labor possible, companies are coming back to America, investing and building here, and creating jobs here in America, in my view, where they belong.

And, of course, this economic growth is not without pain.  The entire world faced a spike in inflation due to disruptions from the pandemic and Putin’s war in Ukraine. 

We acted quickly to get inflation down with the help of Republicans and Democrats.  Inflation came down to pre-pandemic levels.  Wages have increased. 

But still, too many working- and middle-class families struggle with high prices for housing and groceries and the daily needs of life. 

At the same time, as inflation and interest rates continue to fall, we’ve entered a new phase of our economic resurgence. 

With the outcome of this election, we also face an inflection point: We do — do we continue to grow the economy from the middle out and the bottom up, investing in all of America and Americans, supporting unions and working families as we have the past four years?  Or do we — or do we move backward — in my view, backslide to an economy that’s benefitted those at the top, while working people and the middle-class struggle to — for a fair share of growth and economic theory that encouraged industries and live- — livelihoods to be shipped overseas? 

And I might add, I’m not anti-corporation.  For 36 years, I represented corporate America.  I — my state has more corporations in — registered in my state than every other state in the Union.  So, I’m mildly accustomed to corporate America, and to see it grow is useful and helpful and necessary. 

But to make the most of the opportunities ahead, I want to share key pages from our middle-out, bottom-up economic playbook and lay down what I believe to be a new set of benchmarks to measure against the next four years and see whether this theory is more than just a phenomenon.

Four years ago, when I came to office, 3,000 Americans were dying per day from the pandemic that infected and the- — had profound effect on our economy — not only ours but around the world.  Millions of Americans lost their jobs, were at risk of losing their homes.  Hundreds of thousands of factories and businesses — excuse me — yes, hundreds of thousand closed and — creating despair in communities.

I remember I — when I was campaigning and they’d say, “My dad used to work at that factory.  My grandfather worked at that factory.  It’s gone.”  People lost hope.  They lost hope, and particularly through the Midwest and other areas of the country.

Supply chains was shattered.  Prices soared on everything from cars to homes to appliances.

The previous administration, quite frankly, had no plan — real plan — to get us through one of the toughest periods in our nation’s history. 

In fact, there’s an old saying, “If the only tool you have in your toolbox is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.” 

Over the course of decades of Republican leadership and — and I’m not a — those of you who know anything about me and my career in the Senate, I had as many Republican friends as Democratic friends, for real.  I’m not — I’m not of these — anyway, I won’t get going.  (Laughter.)

But I’ve never been a big fan of trickle-down economics.  The w- — it was a hammer that was hammering working people.

My dad used to say — my dad was a well-read — well-read man who didn’t get to — he got accepted to go to Hopkins and — but during the war, he never got to go.  But my dad used to talk about — he said, “Dad” — “Joey, not a whole lot trickles down on my kitchen table at the end of the month.”

Slashing taxes for the very wealthy and the biggest corporations, diminishing public investment in infrastructure, in education, in research and development. 

And keep your eye on it.  We’re going to find out whether or not what they want to do on each of those areas — continue to slash — makes sense or not. 

Offshored jobs and factories — I took off- — for cheaper labor overseas. 

Destroying unions while imposing costs on — on those products made in America. 

And despite the mythical reputation to pay for itself, trickle-down economics deeply worsened our fiscal outlook, in my view. 

To offset the costs, advocates of trickle-down economics ripped the social safety net by trying to privatize Social Security and Medicare, trying to deny access to affordable health care and prescription drugs. 

Lifting the fortunes of the very wealthy often meant taking the rights of workers away to unionize and bargain collectively. 

And, by the way, I’m all for the very wealthy.  I’m not joking.  If you can make as much money as you can, good for you.  But everybody’s got to be — pay — pay their fair share.

It meant rewarding short-termism in pursuit of short-term profits, extraordinary high executive pay, instead of making long-term investments, in many cases. 

As a consequence, our infra- — our infrastructure fell further behind.  A flood of cheap imports hollowed out our factory towns. 

Remember “Infrastructure Week”?  We had Infrastructure Week for four years.  Nothing got built.

Well, everybody said when I wanted to have an infrastructure bill that mattered — over a trillion three hundred billion dollars — we’d never get it done.  We got it done.

The next president has a game plan I laid out.  And, by the way, he’s going to find, since I made a promise I’d invest as much in red states as blue, he’s going to have a trouble not doing it.  He’s going to have a lot of red state senators who were opposed to all of it and didn’t vote for it deciding it’s very much in their interests to build the facilities that are on this (inaudible).

Economic opportunity and innovation became more concentrated in few major cities, while the heartland and communities were left behind. 

Scientific discoveries and inventions developed in America were commercialized in countries like China, bolstering their manufacturing investment and jobs instead of the economy. 

Even before the pandemic, this economic agenda was clearly failing.  Working- and middle-class families were being hurt. 

The pandemic and the economic crisis revealed a failure for everyone to see and to feel. 

And, you know, one of the things that’s going on here — (the president’s teleprompter shuts off) — they just turned off my — I’m going to go off my — I lost the electricity here.

But anyway, one of the things we found is that, you know, we — we invented the semic- — the computer chip, the size of the tip of your little finger, to power our everyday lives, from vehicles to advanced weapons, cell phones, everything in between.

The United States invented these computer chips, but over time, we stopped making them.  In the very beginning, we had — we produced 40 percent of them in the world. 

Well, they all went overseas, almost — virtually all.

So, when the pandemic hit, we found out how vulnerable America was.  Supply chains abroad got shut down in the Far East because people got sick.  The factories making the chips closed.  And all of a sudden, everybody started learning about supply chains, a phrase that was probably used more in the last four years than the last 40 years.  No, I’m serious.

You couldn’t get these chips.  Prices soared.

For example, it takes over 3,000 chips to build an American automobile — 3,000.  But when the overseas factories making those chips shut down, the production stopped and the cost of new cars soared.

You know, it didn’t have to be that way, and I was determined to change that.

I remember looking at my staff and saying, “I’m going to South Korea.”  And they said, “You’re what?”  Oh, you think I’m kidding.  See the guy next to you?  He’s a brilliant economist.  (Laughter.)  He didn’t think I was so brilliant going overseas there.  (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, I came into office with a different vision for America that’s been consistent with my record — good, bad, or indifferent — since I’ve been a senator: grow the economy from the middle out and the bottom up; invest in America and American products.  And when that happens, everybody does — the wealthy still do very well, and all of America, no matter where they lived, whether they went to college or not.

I was determined to restore U.S. leadership in industries of the future.

You know, four years later, we have proof that the playbook is, at least now, working. 

You know, within the first two months of office, I signed the American Rescue Plan — the most significant economic recovery package in our history — and I also learned something from Donald Trump.  He signed checks for people for 7,400 [1,400] bucks because we passed the plan.  And I didn’t — stupid.  (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, I realize we’re talking about the impact of politics, but the economic basic principles is what we’re (inaudible).

You know, we helped vac- — that — passed that act, we helped vaccinate the nation and has returned to full employment.

This was just the beginning.  

We understood we needed long-term investments for the future.  Investing in America agenda, which includes my Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, CHIPS and Science Act, the Inflation Reduction Act — together, they mark the most significant investment in America since the New Deal.  And that’s a fact.  I mean, whether it’s good or bad, that’s the fact. 

The Inflation Reduction Act alone is the most significant investment in climate and energy ever, ever anywhere in the entire world.  We were told we couldn’t get it done.  We got $368 billion.  

We make these investments — when we make them, we buy America.  “Buy American” has been the law of the land since the ‘30s.  I won’t go back — it takes too much time, but you go back to the laws Lincoln pass- — Lincoln, my lord — if you go back to the laws that Roosevelt passed about allowing unions to resist being stepped on and organize, well, there’s a prevision — a “Buy America” prevision.

I was a senator for a long time.  I thought I was pretty informed.  I didn’t know it existed.

And, by the way, former presidents didn’t know.  If they knew, they didn’t say anything about it.

It says that the money that a president authorizes, that Congress has spent, should be used by the president to hire American workers and buy American products.

There was an exemption.  If you couldn’t find the American product, American worker, you could go overseas, but you had to show it.

Well, guess what?  Past adminiscration, including my present [predecessor], failed to “Buy America.”  But not on my watch.

We’re modernizing our roads; our bridges; our ports; our airports; our clean water system; affordable, high-speed Internet systems; and so much more.

And, by the way, if you think about the high-speed Internet systems, they’re as consequential to farmers as electricity was during the — during the administration of — of Roosevelt.  I’m serious.  You can’t function without it.

And we’ve incentivized building all these large federal projects within — with American products and American union — mostly union labor, new pathways into these jobs, including a record number of registered apprenticeships that we’ve made sure occurred.

As I noted earlier, when I came to office, semiconductor manufacturing had moved overseas.  I was determined to bring it back so we wouldn’t be at the end of the supply chain; we’d be beginning of the supply chain.  And that’s what we’ve done with my CHIPS and Science Act, which has attracted $350 billion in private-sector investment in America, including from Korea and from Taiwan.

These — I remember when we went to — to — I digress; I shouldn’t because it’s a long speech, but to digress just a moment — I went to South Korea and I met with Moo- — Yoon and — and I met with Samsung.

I said, “Why are you making this billions-dollar investments in — in what we call the ‘Field of Dreams,’ outside of Columbus, Ohio?”  He said, “Because you have the most capable workers in the world, and it’s the safest place in the world for me to make my investment.”

These investments are building what they call a new “fab.” You all know this.  But a fab is — new factories.  But they’re these giant, giant things as big as football fields.  And guess what?  When they’re built, they employ thousands of people.  And guess what?  The average salary: $102,000, and you don’t need a college degree to do the job.

These investment — massive chips factories, these fabs, these — the size of several football fields.  As I said, in the “Field of Dreams” from all across America — from New York to Ohio to Arizona.

I mean, you know, and when I ask these companies why they’re investing — again, not a joke; I give you my word.  And you all know th- — you’re businesswomen and -men.  You all know it.  They say we have the most qualified workers in the world. 

Everybody thinks that — you know, I have trouble with my union friends.  They’re not very good salesmens for themselves.  Everybody thinks — the average person out there thinks — they say, “I want to be electrician.”  Five years later — five years later, as an apprentice, you can become an electrician.

Look, the CHIPS investments are creating over 125,000 jobs so far.  Many of those jobs are paying over 100 grand a year, and we don’t need to come a college degree, as I said. 

And it’s not just fabs.  These investments are creating opportunities for entire communities, small businesses, creating even more jobs.

When they move — when you build — for example, you build one of these fabs, whether it’s in Syracuse or wherever they’re — they’re — and they’re all over the place.  Guess what?  You know what happens?  They end up building drugstores, coffee shops, automobile dealerships.  They build entire communities because thousands of people move in who can afford — can afford to live a decent life.

In fact — and we knew in the beginning this wasn’t can- — going to come to fruition in my campaign — my — my administration.  It takes time to get this done, but watch, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 years from now.

We’ll soon be the only economy in the world to have all five of the major chip companies operating in the United States of America.  It’s not only cr- — creating thousands — it will create thousands of jobs, and good-paying jobs building chips factory, it wa- — also creating those jobs for workers installing more sol- — solar panels, batteries, selling more electric vehicles than ever before.

You know, that’s a construction boom and a manufacturing boom all across America.  It’s just going to continue to pick up with the billions of dollars being invested.

When faced with unfair practices from abroad, we’ve taken a tough but targeted actions on behalf of the American worker, American businesses, and factory towns.

You know, we know the pandemic and Russian war in Ukraine and infl- — and inflation created enormous pain and hardship all across America.  It’s true for every major economy in the world.  But we took aggressive action that brought prices down.

For example, after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, causing gas prices to spike globally, I ordered the biggest release of — ever in our Strategic Petroleum Reserve.  That’s all the — you all know — most people listening wouldn’t — but that’s all that oil we’ve saved up.

And — and we challenged the oil and gas companies to take their record profits and invest more in production — invest more in production. 

Today, American energy production is at record levels, including in oil and gas production.  Gas prices are down to three bucks — three bucks, below the price before Russia’s invasion. 

In addition, we’ve successfully pushed [purchased] back all oil — all the oil released at a much lower price, and we’ve refilled the facilities, making the taxpayers, in the process, $3.5 billion.  Brought it out — s- — got it back; a hell of a lot cheaper to fill it back up.

Now inflation is coming down faster than almost anywhere in the world, in advanced economies. 

As inflation eased and the strong labor market persisted, inflation-adjusted wages and incomes began to rise.  Average tax f- — average after-tax income is up almost $4,000 than prices on aver- — for average Americans. 

Eighty percent of working-age Americans have jobs — near a decade — a multi-decade high. 

We’re creating a record jobs sixty percent of all Americans who chose to pursue a four-year college degree — who chose not to pursue a four-year degree. 

With our historic backing of union, public support for unions is the highest it’s been in more than a half a century, and the labor movement is expanding and changing in new companies are — and industries. 

Here’s why it’s important for all workers.  I asked the Treasury Department, when I was pushing for union expansion — and I — to do a study, and they found that when union wages go up, everybody’s wages go up across the board.  It matters.

The middle-out and bottom-up playbook is also — is also asking that the very wealthy begin — the most profitable corporations begin to pay their fair share.

I won’t use the usual ci- — cite that you usually — we got a thousand billionaires in America.  Their average federal tax is 8.2 percent.  Anybody want to trade with them?   

Well, look, my predecessor’s $2 trillion tax cut overwhelmingly benefitted the very wealthy and the biggest corporations, delivering tax cuts to the top 1 percent — worth more than 50 times the tax cuts that went to middle-class — families received. 

My approach is leading to better results for everyone.

I kept my commitment that no one — it didn’t make me very popular with Democrats — no one earning less than $4,000 a year would se- — $400,000 a year would pay an additional single penny in additional taxes.  No one. 

Not only I fought hard to expand the Child Tax Credit for working families, but cut child poverty nearly — it was — it cut child poverty nearly in half.  And, by the way, it increases economic growth.  More women can go back to work.  More women can grow the economy.  Expanded tax credits to make health insurance more affordable for millions of Americans enrolled in the Affordable Care Act.  By the way, my — the other team tried to re- — get rid of it.  Fifty-one votes, okay?  

After a decade of severe underfunding, I fought hard to make the IRS have a budget with enough personnel and technology.  And it’s awful hard — it’s easy to go after my taxes.  Not a problem, you know?  And I — I make a good living.  You pay me a lot of money as a — as a president.  But for the very wealthy, it’s awful hard.  You need more personnel. 

And guess what?  We finally — after the fight — got more personnel.  Never did I think I’d be fighting to get more tax collectors.  We got more folks in the — in the department. 

The result: The IRS has already collected over $1 billion in unpaid taxes from the super wealthy that had not been paid in the past.

Look, folks, our economic playbook also includes increasing fair competition.  I’m a capitalist, but capitalism without competition is not capitalism; it’s exploitation.  But not on my watch.

My Inflation Reduction Act took on Big Pharma, reduced the price of insulin for seniors with diabetes to pay only 35 bucks a month until the — close to the average of $400 a month.

You know, when I was trying to sell this to the American public, I’d go around the country doing town meetings and say, “Anybody has a prescription from a major drug company in America?  Come with me and get on Air Force One.  I will take you to Toronto, to Berlin, to Rome, to anywhere in the world, and I’ll get you that same exact prescription, from the same exact company for somewhere between 40 to 60 percent less.”

Well, the Inflation Reduction Act also finally gives Medicare the power to negotiate lower drug prices for seniors across the board.  It’s already passed. 

Starting next month, out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for seniors — total prescription drug costs — will be capped at $2,000 a year no matter how much they spend, no matter how expensive their drugs.  And you all know it, because some of you, like me and others, have lost families to cancer and cancer treatment.  Those drugs — cancer drugs — can cost 10-, 12-, 14 million — thousand dollars a year.

These other reforms not only save seniors money, not only saves the patient money, but guess what?  It saves every one of you taxpayers money because the federal government is not paying out $160 billion over the next 10 years that it had to pay now, because they’re not paying that.  They’re paying 35, not 400 bucks for the prescription — exorbitant prices of pharmaceutical companies have been cha- — they’re charging.

We’re also lowering costs by eliminating junk fees.  Junk fees are those hidden costs that can add up to hundreds of dollars for the average American family — you know, hidden costs like excessive banking overdraft fees.

So, I — I didn’t realize they had the power to do this, but we brought them down from an average of $35 a month for an overdraft to $5 a month.  It costs the banks a lot of money, but it was fair.  Thirty-five bucks to deal with an overdraft. 

And, in addition to that was late fees for credit cards; apartment application fees — I know most of us don’t even look at that, but just the ap- — just to apply; hidden hotel fees; or family seating arrangements on flights.  A lot of you got that one down.

I don’t know about all of you, but — maybe it’s the Irish in me — but just — I hate being played for a sucker.  (Laughter.)  No, I’m serious.  People get angry when they find this out.

Fair competition is especially important for small businesses that have been crushed by decades of concentrated corporate power.  That’s important because small businesses represent nearly 50 percent of the entire GDP of the American economy.

Because of our policies and confidence of entrepreneurs in the economy, we’ve seen 20 million in — since I became president, 20 million new business applications during this administration — the most of any presidential term in history — a record. 

Black businesses ownership — back — Black businesses ownership is doubling.  Hispanic business ownership is up by 40 percent since the pandemic.  The share of women in business is also on the rise.

It all has benefitted not just those groups but all of the economy.  Every single application for a new business license is like a — like an act of hope, of confidence.

There’s so much more from our playbook.

The bottom line is, in four short years, we’ve come a long way from a cri- — (coughs) — excuse me, my cold — I apologize — from the crisis we inherited.

We not only — we not only beat the pandemic; we broke from the economic orthodoxy that has failed this nation, in my view, for a long time — a theory that led to fewer jobs, less economic growth, and bigger deficits.

I had a fundamentally different theory.  My theory was the strongest economy is built from the bottom up and the middle out — from the middle out and the bottom up, not the top down.

And the best way to build that in America was to invest in America, invest in American products and invest in the American people — not by handing out tax breaks to those at the top. 

And I’m not looking — look, I — I won’t get in — we can talk about taxes. 

But it was — it’s long past time for America to make a generational investment in our infrastructure, in our manufacturing base, in the technological edge in our clean energy future.

I know it’s been hard for many Americans to see, and I understand it.  They’re just trying to figure out how to put three squares on the table.  But I believe it was the right thing to do, not only to lift Americans out of economic crisis caused by a pandemic, but set America on a stronger course for the future.  And we did that.

We don’t only — don’t take my word for it.  Here’s how Time Magazine and other commentators describe the economy I’m leaving to my successor, and there’s a number of these quotes: “President-elect Trump is receiving the strongest economy in modern history, which is the envy of the world.”

I’m going to say something outrageous.  I know a fair amount about foreign policy.  I’ve known every major world leader for a long — I’ve been around 500 years.  (Laughter.)  I know these guys.  And I don’t know anybody who wouldn’t change their econ- — their economy with ours.  Can you think of one, any major nation that says, “I want to trade — I don’t want to trade.  I’ll keep mine.  I like what I’m doing”?

Let me close with this.  By all accounts, the incoming administration is determined to return the country to another round of trickle-down economics and another tax cut for the very wealthy that will not be paid for — or, if paid for, is going to have a real cost — once again, causing massive deficits or significant cuts in basic programs, from health care, education, veterans benefits.

On top of that, he seems determined to impose steep, universal tariffs on all imported goods brought into this country on the mistaken belief that foreign countries will bear the cost of those tariffs rather than the American consumer.  Who does he think pays for this?

I believe this approach is a major mistake.  I believe we’ve proven that approach is a mistake over the past four years. 

But we all know in time — we all know in time what will happen. 

I’ve never agreed with Ronald Reagan’s approach to the economy — although, I got along with him very well — but I did agree with something he said.  President Reagan said, and I quote, “Facts are stubborn things.”  “Facts are stubborn things.”  They are.

Here are the facts.  A set mark of benchmarks, if you will, that we should measure the success or failure of our next four years: During my presidency, we created 60 million new jobs in America.  Will the next president create jobs or, like Herbert Hoover, be the only president to lose jobs in his administration?

During my presidency, we see the lowest average unemployment rate of — than any administration in 50 years. Will the unemployment be higher or lower in the next four years?

We’ve long — we have a — we have a — had a strong economic growth of 3 percent, on average, on a yearly basis.  Will the next president have a stronger or weaker economic growth?

And inflation.  Yes, inflation.  We’re battling through worldwide effects of the pandemic, Putin’s war in Ukraine, and the supply chain disruptions.  I’m leaving the next president with an inflation rate that’s near 2 percent.  Where — where will inflation be at the end of the next president’s term?

Look, these are simple, well-established economic benchmarks used to measure the strength of any economy, the success or failure of any president’s four years in office. They’re not political, rhetorical opinions.  They’re just facts — simple facts.  As President Reagan called them, “stubborn facts.” 

And one more fact I prep- — as I prepare to leave office: You know, there is no country on Earth better positioned to lead the world in the years to come than America.  Think about it.  What stunned me — and, again, I’m going to say something outrageous — I have as much experience in foreign policy as any president in the history of the United States has had.  I was chairman of Foreign Relations Committee.  I — anyway, I spent a lot of time.  I know all of them.

Well, the decisions we make over the next four years have been transformative to the nation. But I tell you what, what stunned me — and it’s not — I’m not being a hyper-American here — I can’t name a single country in the world that doesn’t think — I’ll put it this way: If we’re not leading the world, who does?  Not a joke.  I’m not being wise guy.  If we do not lead the world, what nation leads the world?  Who pulls Europe together?  Who tries to pull the Middle East together?  How do we (inaudible) the Indian Ocean?  What do we do in Africa? 

We, the United States, lead the world.  And you all are extre- — extremely experienced women and men.  You know many of these leaders.  You know many of these countries.  Find me one that says we’re not or wish we weren’t.

Look, my hope and belief is that the decisions and investments are now so deeply rooted in the nation that it’s going to be politically costly and economically unsound for the next president to disrupt to c- — or cut.

You know, some of my friends in the Republican Party when I do States of the Union who holler and like, you know, those things — they’re against all the things we did.  Keep your eye on them.  Tell me when they want the programs we voted for them — to cut in their states.  Show me the most conservative Republicans willing to take away the factories that are going to be built in their states. 

Going to be interesting.  Going to be interesting.

Look, I pray to God — because I think everybody has an opportunity to reconsider their going — growth — I pray to God the president-elect throws away Project 2025.  I think it’d be an economic disaster for us and the region.

In fact, consider one additional fact: The historic investments we’ve made went to more red states than blue states.  Not a politically smart thing to do, and I knew what I was doing.  I knew people would be angry.  But the reason the red states — and they need it more because of the decisions they made — decisions they made and geography.

Will the next president stop a new electric battery factory in Liberty, North Carolina, that will create thousands of jobs?

Will he shut down a new solar factory being built in — in Carterville [Cartersville], Georgia?  Are they going to do that?

You know, will we deny seniors living in red states $35-a-month insulin?

I believe the only way for a president to lead America was to lead all of America.  And I believe the economy I’m leaving at the moment — and others could do better than I did; I’m not saying I was perfect — but ends up, at this moment, the best economy, strongest economy in the world and for all Americans, doing better. 

So, we got a lot to do, and I’m — I’m — I’m leaving the presidency, but I’m not going away — in bad news for you all — (laughter) — because I think we can — we got to bring this country back together.

When I announced my candidacy for president, I said I was running for three reasons.  One was to restore the soul of America, just decency in the way we treat one another — politically how we treat one another.

I know you know that when I — back when Pat was around and others, we had vicious fights.  We’d go and sit and have lunch together in the Senate dining room.

I’m taking more of your time than I should.  But one of the things that I realized when I was vice president — Barack wanted me because of my background in foreign policy and my ability to work in the Congress fairly well.  And so, about five years, six years in, I decided to go up to the Senate dining room — I’m president of the Senate — to sit at the table where Democrats and Republicans sit together and began to listen again, just talk to people.

Well, guess what?  No place to go. 

You’ve been to the senator’s dining room where they take you into the ro- — the room where you can eat with other senators and other people.  But right — the doors on the left of that elevator are a private dining — it used to be a long buffet table.  You walk in — a long table sitting, I guess, 16, 18 people on the right, parallel with the table.  And you walk through an archway, and there was a table going the other way.  One was the Democratic table.  One was Republican table.  And when there weren’t enough to sit at any one table, then they all sit together.

It’s hard to really dislike an individual that you strongly disagree with when you find out his wife is dying of breast cancer or he just lost a child or he’s having serious physical problems himself. 

We knew each other.  I really mean it.

Barack used to — used to drive Barack crazy when we’d — we met every morning at 9 o’clock and with his last (inaudible) talk to one another when the day ended.  And he always give me — he said, “I know, I know, I know.  All politics is personal.”  But it is.  It is.

I watched Teddy Kennedy and Jim Eastland rip each other apart on the floor and then go down and have lunch together.

So, one is to restore the soul of the country.

The second thing to do — I was trying to do when I — I said I was — when I ran was to begin to restore the middle class, to focus on people most in need.

And thirdly, was to — to bring the cou- — bring the politics together again.  Again, we don’t have to agree with one another, but we sure in hell have to stick with the system that’s allowed us to strongly disagree and yet keep within the confines of the — of the admonitions of the Constitution.

I’ve taken much too much of your time, and I apologize.  But you’re the — among the most informed people in Washington, and I would really appreciate, down the road here a little bit, any constructive criticism you have, and I’m sure you have some.  (Laughter.) 

All right.  Thank you so very much for having me.  (Applause.)

1:20 P.M. EST

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On December 9, Principal Deputy National Security Advisor Jon Finer met virtually with the Deputy National Security Advisors of France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom.  Mr. Finer discussed with his counterparts the fall of the Assad regime in Syria and the importance of working closely together across their respective capitals and with partners in the region to support the aspirations of the Syrian people and manage risks associated with the ongoing transition. The group discussed efforts to reinforce the ceasefire in Lebanon and reach a ceasefire and hostage deal in Gaza.  Mr. Finer also noted the Biden-Harris Administration’s efforts to ensure Ukraine has the strongest hand possible heading into 2025 and to increase costs on Russia for its continued aggression. The group discussed shared concerns over democratic backsliding in Georgia, including through last month’s elections and more recent violence against protestors. 

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The spirit of innovation is central to who we are as Americans. America invented the semiconductor, the building blocks of the technology of today and tomorrow. Through our CHIPS and Science Act, President Biden and I have made the historic investments necessary to ensure semiconductor manufacturing returns to and remains here in America.
 
Today, thanks to our historic legislation, the Department of Commerce has finalized one of its largest awards to date with Micron Technology, the only U.S. based manufacturer of memory chips. This more than $6.1 billion investment in Clay, NY and Boise, ID supports the construction of several state-of-the-art memory chips facilities as part of Micron’s total $125 billion investment over the next few decades, creating at least 20,000 jobs by the end of the decade. These investments will help the U.S. grow its share of advanced memory manufacturing from nearly 0% today to 10% over the next decade.

I am also proud to say that Micron is building these facilities by utilizing project labor agreements and registered apprenticeship programs, which will further strengthen local economies, support workers, and ensure the construction is completed on time and within budget. Additionally, the Department of Commerce announced that it agreed to preliminary terms with Micron for an additional $275 million investment to expand Micron’s Manassas, VA facility and onshore a critical technology relied upon by our defense industry, automotive sector, and national security community.
 
Our administration knows these landmark announcements are more than investments; they are catalysts for sustained economic growth. When President Biden and I took office, supply chain disruptions led to chips and semiconductor shortages. That is why we worked with Republicans, Democrats, and Independents in Congress to pass legislation to make these unprecedented investments that are creating opportunity in red and blue states alike. At the same time, our work has bolstered our national and economic security by promoting the domestic creation of the chips that are responsible for powering nearly every device Americans rely on – from smartphones and vehicles to advanced defense systems and artificial intelligence data centers. This work will make a lasting difference for decades to come and proves that in the competition for the 21st century, we can invest in American industries and American workers at the same time.

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U.S. International Development Finance Corporation
Washington, D.C.

1:01 P.M. EST

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, good afternoon.  And thank you so much for that introduction, Scott.  And thank you especially for your leadership here at DFC over these last years, a sentiment that I know President Biden shares deeply. 

Simply put, no one has played a more important role in this institution’s growth and development than you, and no one could have brought greater creativity, savvy, or tenacity to the task. 

Trust me, I have seen Scott in full warrior mode on behalf of DFC in the Situation Room, taking on other agencies with other ideas, and he’s constantly delivering to make sure that DFC, in turn, delivers on its mission. 

I also know, from personal experience myself, that leaders are only as capable as their teams, and the team at DFC is second to none.  And I want to salute everybody here in the audience, who either is current or past member of the DFC team, for all that you have done to build this into the impactful organization that it is today. 

If your first five years have proven anything, it is your impact globally will only compound exponentially in the years to come. 

So, thanks to you all, and thank you for letting me be here to mark this occasion with you. 

As many of you know, last week, President Biden traveled to Lobito, Angola.  Scott was there, of course.  Just a few years ago, that was an area completely devoid of any American investment.  But not anymore. 

During his visit, the President saw a rail car that will travel on Africa’s first transcontinental railroad, grain silos that will help transform the region from food importers to food exporters, and businesses that are investing in everything from clean energy to 5G all across the region. 

These are transformational projects, generational projects, projects that would have been unthinkable just five years ago but are already having an impact, and it’s because of the work that we’ve all done together to reimagine investment and development around the world in the face of profound and accelerating global change. 

When President Biden came to office, our nation faced several converging challenges: a pandemic that had shaken the world, a worsening climate crisis, vulnerable supply chains, rapid technological change, and geopolitical competition from a pacing competitor in the PRC. 

So, as these challenges were all coming to a head, we were entering this new era of geopolitics, one defined by strategic competition.  Ad hoc investments, grants, and loans were not going to cut it.  The old way of doing business was not going to cut it.  And it was not just that we weren’t punching above our weight.  It’s that, in many cases, when you looked at the full kind of capacity that the U.S. could bring to the table and the gap in what we were, in fact, bringing to the table across all of the tools of our national power, we were ceding the field.

So it was imperative that we needed to step back, look at the bigger picture, and present a positive-sum vision for growth and development globally, one calibrated to new geopolitical realities and one matched to the scope of the transformational challenges we faced. 

So, the first question we faced was: Okay, how do we do that?  How can we mobilize capital at scale for nations around the world, and how can we get our global partners to join us?

And here, having a bipartisan effort like the DFC, built in the previous administration under President Trump, handed off to President Biden, but still in its early stages, this was going to be a critical piece of the puzzle but one piece of a larger puzzle that was going to require a whole set of tools to be able to effectively mobilize capital in the service of our national interest and in the service of the global common interest. 

So the President, at the first G7 that he went to in Cornwall, England, launched the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, or PGI.  In true government fashion, we give our best initiatives the most memorable acronyms, PGI.  (Laughter.)

At its core, the aim of PGI was to redefine the traditional Western value proposition to the developing world to say, “Okay, we hear you when it comes to the priorities you have in order to deliver for your citizens.”  And at the top of that list, for country after country in regions of the world on different continents, the answer consistently came back: infrastructure.  Physical infrastructure, energy infrastructure, digital infrastructure, health infrastructure, but the basic building blocks of growth and dynamism that could deliver for these countries.  And there was a massive gap.

And the country that was most active in actually trying to deliver for countries around the world with respect to infrastructure was the PRC, through its Belt and Road Initiative.  And we were not playing at the level or with the intensity that we had to play. 

So, we looked at this and we said: Somehow, given this need across the world, we need to turn billions into trillions of dollars of investment with solutions that those countries helped fashion on their own but with capital enabled by the United States and our partners in the G7 and other likeminded countries.

We layered on top of that the idea of catalyzing and concentrating investment in key corridors so that we were leveraging our investment to the maximum, not just spreading it thin across the board.

And through these corridors, including in Africa and Asia, PGI is designed to help close that infrastructure gap in developing countries, and I’m very proud of the progress that we’ve made so far. 

Over the last two years, the U.S. has mobilized over $80 billion in investments through the DFC and other tools to build out these corridors, like the Lobito Corridor that President Biden visited last week. 

This approach is about strengthening countries’ economic growth.  It’s also about strengthening America’s supply chains and global trusted technology vendors.  And it’s about diplomacy.  It’s about strengthening our critical partnerships in critical regions. 

And as the people in this room know better than anyone, this is not spending huge amounts of public dollars.  It’s about taking public dollars and public tools to mobilize private dollars.  And, frankly, the response we have seen from the private sector over the past four years has been increasing enthusiasm, increasing buy-in for the vision that we are all working towards. 

Take our climate goals, for example.  In year one, President Biden set an audacious target to quadruple U.S. international finance for climate to $11 billion every year. 

When we set that target, we knew that the DFC was going to be central to achieving it, but we didn’t quite realize the extent to which the DFC would create the backbone for our investment portfolio in energy security and supply chain resilience.  And as a result of the heroic work that so many of the people in this room did, we’ve been able to massively accelerate the speed and scale of the clean energy transition to help meet the moment on climate. 

We also recognize that how we invest is just as important as how much we invest, which leads to my next point.  Throughout every PGI investment and every project and everything that the DFC is doing, we’ve focused on quality, not just quantity.  As everyone here knows well, that’s going to make our investments more sustainable over the long run, and it is what sets the United States apart from our competitors. 

And I want to be clear: We’re not forcing nations around the world to choose between us and China, or any other nation for that matter, but we are making sure that there is an option that is high standard and credible and more attractive and impactful than what our competitors might offer. 

And that means ensuring that our investments meet the very highest standards — for workers, for the environment, for the people that they are meant to serve.  It means ensuring that our projects don’t produce unsustainable debt for our partners, debt that prevents them from investing in their own development over time.  And it means ensuring that the progress we’ve helped fuel around the world does not inadvertently facilitate corruption. 

In fact, shortly after he took office, President Biden issued a Presidential Policy Directive that established corruption as a core national security threat, and created the first-ever National Strategy on Countering Corruption.

Now, today is — we’re celebrating the five-year birthday of the DFC.  Today is also International [Anti]-Corruption Day.  And I’m exceedingly proud that four years later, we’ve made good on the President’s directive and given this strategy, to counter corruption, meaning and force so that we can mark and celebrate International Anti-Corruption Day today with stronger regulations, closed loopholes, a record of cutting off money launderers, and taking steps to ensure that our own financial system serves as a check rather than an accomplice to corrupt behavior.  That goes from implementing the landmark Corporate Transparency Act that we helped pass, to tightening regulations in the real estate sector so criminals cannot use the U.S. real estate sector to launder their own dirty money. 

We’ve gone after kleptocrats, criminals, and their cronies who steal from public coffers, including issuing 500 new anti-corruption sanctions.  And we’re working with partners to enable them to advance protections as well. 

But we can’t let up.  Looking ahead, we need to come together on a bipartisan basis to finally pass the ENABLERS Act.  We need to encourage our global partners, like the IMF and the World Bank, to strengthen their own anti-corruption efforts. 

And we need to stay on the balls of our feet, including quickly expanding the investments DFC is making in countries that are experiencing a window of opportunity for governance reform, like we’ve done so effectively in both Moldova and the Dominican Republic.  That is a model for how we can take the fight against corruption, the fight for economic growth, the tools of the DFC, and seize opportunities that lie before us.  And we have a proven track record of being able to do just that. 

And this leads me to the final point I want to discuss today, and that’s where we go from here, what we should be focusing on as we head into the next five years.  Maybe I shouldn’t be the one answering this since I’m leaving, but I will give my advice anyway. 

And I — because I truly do mean “we.”  It’s not just about who’s sitting in this seat in the U.S. government in a particular administration.  It’s about the public sector and the private sector.  It’s about the administration and the Congress.  It’s about Democrats and Republicans.  It’s about all of us.  And I intend to continue to be a partner to this effort, even from the outside. 

DFC is a bipartisan priority.  It was created, as we’ve all noted, under the Trump administration.  It has been strengthened under the Biden administration.  And as we look to DFC’s reauthorization next year, it has to remain a bipartisan priority.  And I think we have to work together to implement a few key reforms. 

First, we’ve got to modernize DFC’s equity program.  As all of you know, appropriation for DFC’s program that invests in companies and projects has to account for each investment, when it’s an equity investment, on a dollar-for-dollar basis, like a grant, instead of recognizing the investment’s value, which is an equity stake in an enterprise and will eventually not just be recouped by DFC but in most cases will earn a return. 

The accounting quirk that we currently have to use — this dollar-for-dollar basis — really limits how much the DFC can invest every year.  Changing the equity program to account for future returns up front would enable the DFC to invest more and invest earlier at the same cost to the U.S. taxpayer.  That would be a game changer, especially in priority sectors like critical minerals and clean energy, where investment at scale is needed. 

Second, we’ve got to increase DFC’s footprint.  Right now, the list of countries where DFC can invest is generally limited, as you all know, by a certain income per capita threshold.  In some ways, this makes sense.  I understand why this got put into place.  Low- and middle-income countries need the development support the most.

But operating based on income per capita alone doesn’t account for other critical factors, like access to finance or vulnerability to shocks.  We can solve this by allowing DFC to mirror the World Bank’s country of operation model.  This would allow the DFC to operate in more countries that need our assistance in more areas.  And most importantly, it will ensure that nations don’t suddenly get cut off once their income per capita goes just slightly above the threshold. 

Finally, and maybe most importantly, most fundamentally, we need Congress to reauthorize the DFC on a bipartisan basis.  Here in Washington, we do sometimes get stuck thinking in two- or four-year cycles. 

But to put it simply, our private sector partners want to know that they can count on us in the long term.  Our allies who are investing with us, like the G7, want to know that they can count on us in the long term. 

And nations around the world want to know that they can count on us, the countries that will be taking our investments, in the long term; that big, quality infrastructure projects they choose to undertake with us will actually be completed, whether it takes 5 years or 10 years or 15 years or more for the kinds of generational investments we want to be making.

Now, to really do that, you need a permanent reauthorization.  That would send a clear signal to all of those audiences: You can count on the United States of America. 

It would create real market certainty and predictability that positions the private sector to help serve the American national interest while making good returns for their investors. 

And it would allow the DFC to focus on what matters: mobilizing capital at greater scale, including through the DFC’s enterprise fund authority; taking on smart investment risks to bring forward projects the private sector wouldn’t otherwise consider; maximizing cooperation with our other development tools, like the MCC or USTDA or USAID; and expanding collaboration with the MDBs like you’ve done with the Inter-American Development Bank. 

Let me close with this:

President Biden often says that our world stands at an inflection point, a point where the decisions we make now will determine the course of our future for decades to come.  In just five short years, the Development Finance Corporation and the work so many of you have done all around the world, including through these larger initiatives like PGI, has set that course on a better path for our nation and for nations around the world. 

Now is the time to keep going, to keep growing, to keep coming together across the aisle and around the world. 

It has been an honor to get to work with you, to be your supporter, to try to be your champion, and also, in the work that I do every day trying to protect America’s national security, be the beneficiary of the work you’ve done to enhance our national security.  And I can’t wait to see what you will accomplish in the next five years and the five after that and beyond. 

So, thank you very much for giving me the opportunity.  (Applause.)

1:17 P.M. EST

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     On Human Rights Day and during Human Rights Week, we recommit to upholding the equal and inalienable rights of all people.

     America was founded on an idea — that every person is created equal and deserves to be treated equally throughout their lives.  And 76 years ago today, after the wreckage of 2 world wars and the Holocaust, the United States joined countries around the globe to enshrine this idea into a Universal Declaration of Human Rights.  We also helped establish the United Nations, upholding the inherent dignity of every person on the world stage and establishing a rules-based international order.  Today, our country continues to stand with our partners and allies to defend human rights and fundamental freedoms around the world — from combatting threats to silence and intimidate human rights defenders like journalists to championing democracy, fair elections, and the universal human rights to freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, religion, and expression.  When crises erupt, we protect civilians from mass atrocities, promote accountability for those responsible for human rights violations and abuses, seek to free political prisoners, and create space for civilian dialogue.  This year, we also recognize another landmark achievement in the global fight for human rights with the 40th anniversary of the adoption of the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment.  And we continue to stand with free people everywhere who are bravely fighting for justice and defending life and liberty at home and around the world.

     My Administration has been committed to protecting the dignity and rights of people here at home and around the globe.  We established the White House Gender Policy Council to advance the rights and opportunities of women and girls across domestic and foreign policy — from preventing and responding to gender-based violence to promoting participation in peace and security efforts.  We rejoined the United Nations Human Rights Council to highlight and address pressing human rights concerns.  From the beginning of my Administration, we have worked to protect the rights of LGBTQI+ people, working toward a future where no one is targeted or persecuted because of who they are.  We are working to ensure all people are treated equally and have equal access to opportunities, no matter who they are or where they come from.  We have made progress in bringing new investments to communities that have too often been left behind and in expanding accessibility for people with disabilities.  And we have worked to advance technology in support of democracy and internet freedom, while leading important efforts to stop the expansion and misuse of commercial spyware, which has enabled human rights abuses around the world.

     I have made the preservation of democracy — the best tool for protecting human rights — the central cause of my Presidency.  That is why we convened the Summit for Democracy to strengthen democratic institutions, root out corruption, promote gender equality and human rights, and reject political violence.  There will always be forces that pull the world apart:  aggression, extremism, chaos, cynicism, and a desire to retreat from the world and go it alone.  The task of our time is to ensure that the forces holding us together are stronger than those that are pulling us apart.  Together, we can make sure our shared values and determination withstand any challenge. 

     Today and this week, may we reaffirm our commitment to standing up for human rights at home and around the world.  The future will be won by those who unleash the full potential of their people to live with dignity, prosper, think freely, innovate, and exist and love openly without fear.  Together, nothing is beyond our capacity.

     NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, do hereby proclaim December 10, 2024, as Human Rights Day and the week beginning December 10, 2024, as Human Rights Week.  I call upon the people of the United States to mark these observances with appropriate ceremonies and activities.

     IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this ninth day of December, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-four, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-ninth.

                              JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

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U.S. Department of the Interior
Washington, D.C.

1:35 P.M. EST

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon, everyone.  Good afternoon.  Good afternoon.  (Applause.)  

Can we please applaud Sophia?  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)  This is why we know the future is bright, right? 

Please have a seat.  Please have a seat. 

Well, I want to thank everyone for your leadership, for your long-standing friendship, and for the work we have yet to do together. 

Let me say, it is so good to be with Secretary Deb Haaland, who has been an incredible leader, as we know, and such a powerful fighter and a dear friend and colleague to me.  So, I thank you, Deb, for all that you do. 

And to all the leaders who are here today, including all the leaders from California who I have worked with over the years — (applause) — on so many important issues, from protecting the rights of Native children to fighting for the safety of Indigenous women to conserving Native land. 

And I believe, of course, that the bonds between our nations are sacred — they are sacred — and that the federal government has a duty to safeguard and strengthen those bonds, a duty to honor Tribal sovereignty, to ensure Tribal self-determination, and to uphold our trust and treaty obligations.  And I will always fight to build a future of opportunity and dignity for all Native people and all Native communities. 

As vice president, I have had the honor to meet and work with thousands of Native leaders, from young leaders at our extraordinary Tribal colleges and universities, to advocates fighting to protect Native votes and voting rights — (applause) — to union workers in Arizona and Native small-business owners from across the country. 

 And here’s what I know to be true.  Native communities are home to some of the most innovative, skilled, and determined people in America.  And as we all know well, there is an extraordinary amount of ambition, aspiration, and ability across Indian Country; however, what is often lacking is the opportunity to pursue that ambition, aspiration, and ability. 

For far too long, the federal government has underinvested in Native communities, underinvested in Native entrepreneurs and small businesses, and underinvested in Native hospitals, schools, and infrastructure, which is why, over the past four years, we have made it a central priority and it will m- — remain a central priority to address these historic inequities and to create opportunity in every Native community. 

Take, for example, our work with Native small-business owners.  We know that one of the biggest hurdles to Native entrepreneurs is having access to capital.  It’s one of the biggest challenges.  It’s not for lack of a good idea, for serious work ethic, for a plan that actually would benefit the community and meet a demand, but it’s access to capital.

On Tribal land and in many rural areas, the nearest bank is sometimes more than a hundred miles away, making it more difficult for folks to get the resources and support that they need to start and grow a small business, which is why I have worked to expand access to capital since I served in the United States Senate and, as vice president, have made sure we invested over a billion dollars in Native community banks, banks run by people who live in the community and understand — and are in the best position, then, to understand the needs of the community, the capacity of the community in a way that, in particular, other banks may not.  And the impact of that approach is profound. 

 As just one example: Soon after taking office, I spoke with Onna LeBeau, a member of the Omaha Tribe.  (Applause.)  And we had an extensive conversation.  I reached out to her, and — and she understood that, basically, as an executive director of a Native community bank in South Dakota, that the entrepreneurs in the community, many of them just were not being recognized by those who could invest in their work and in their growth.  We talked, for example, about entrepreneurs in the community who make traditional quilts and the challenges that they often face in securing loans, as big banks often don’t fully understand the culture and, therefore, don’t understand the value of the product or service, don’t understand the demand, don’t understand the need — just don’t understand the culture.

But community banks do.  And today, Native community banks are using the billion dollars that we have given them to support Native entrepreneurs, to create jobs, and to generate economic opportunity across Indian Country. 

In Native communities, we have also addressed inequities in health care, which we know is a long-, long-standing issue.  And we have done it with a belief — and I strongly believe — access to health care should be a right and not just a privilege of those who can afford it, that this is a matter — (applause) — and that this is a matter simply about dignity, about allowing people to have a quality of life to which they are entitled, and, in particular, to live without needlessly suffering.

Nearly 3 million people rely on the Indian Health Service for medical care.  In some communities, IHS hospitals and clinics are the only place that folks receive medical care. 

But before we took office, if Congress failed to pass a spending bill and the federal government then shut down, the IHS would stop receiving funding immediately.  Many of you here know that.  And when I was in the Senate, you called me to make sure I was clear about that.  And hospital- — because what we know: Hospitals and clinics across Indian Country would then have to close their doors. 

I worked on this issue, then, thanks to a lot of the leaders here, when I was a United States senator, and I know the profound harm that these closures cause.  In 2018, the federal government — everyone — many here remember that — the federal government shut down for more than a month.  And I still remember the stories: a mother of two who was forced to wait for days for treatment for bronchitis, all the time terrified that one of her lungs would collapse; a 16- — or a 68-year-old grandmother who was forced to delay eye surgery, despite daily pain; and a young man, who was engaged to be married, who lost his life because the opioid treatment center he relied on in his community was shut down.  These are just some of the stories, and they are heartbreaking. 

 So, when I was elected vice president, I was determined to finally deal with this issue and this injustice.  And I am proud to report that for the first time ever, we made it so that IHS will now continue to receive funding even if the federal government shuts down — (applause) — which, of course, means that no matter what happens, people will continue to get the care that they need and deserve.  It’s just a matter of dignity and what is right.  

And to improve health care across Indian Country, we have also taken on the issue — and, again, there are so many leaders here who have been doing this work to take on the issue of maternal health.  Women in America die at a higher rate in connection with childbirth than women in any other so-called wealthy country in the world.  And the latest numbers tell us Native — it was twice as likely.  The current numbers are that Native women are three times more likely than others to die in connection with childbirth.

Three years ago this very month, as vice president, I challenged every state in our country to address this crisis.  And, in particular, I challenged them to extend postpartum coverage under Medicaid from a measly — what they were doing — two months to one year.  I am proud to report that whereas, when I issued the challenge — and I was pretty shameless about it; I really challenged them, right?  (Laughs.)  Like, I was in their face about it.  When I first did it, only three states had Medicaid coverage postpartum beyond two months.  As of today, 46 states offer a full year of postpartum coverage.  (Applause.) Right? 

And there are so many leaders in this room that are behind that work, and I thank you. 

 So — and — and, by the way, those stats tell us that it includes, of those 46 states, every one of the 10 states with the largest Native populations. 

And so, of course, the leaders here know what this means.  It means that now there are thousands more Native women who acc- — have access to a full year of care, from vaccinations to checkups to postpartum depression screenings.  It makes a difference.

And all of this to know what we, again, must always do: fight for the dignity of all people.

To create a future of opportunity and dignity, we must also make sure every person has the freedom to drink clean water and breathe clean air.  Tribal Nations and people have served as responsible stewards of our environment and natural resources for millennia — the original leaders.  And over the past four years, we have then made it a priority to make sure you have the resources to continue your important work of leadership. 

As just one example: Last year, I visited the Gila River Indian Community in Arizona.  (Applause.)  And I was, by the way, the first — well, there was never a president to do it; I’m the first vice president to ever do it in history.  And at Gila River, Governor Stephen Lewis — is he here?  I thought that was you.  Hi.  (Laughs.)  Governor, it’s good to see you. 

GOVERNOR LEWIS:  Love you, Vice President.  Love you.  (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  It’s good to see you. 

And we had such a wonderful visit, and — and the governor and I toured the site of a new clean water pipeline.  And for those who haven’t seen it, it’s really a sight to see.  It’s really a sight to see.  The project was proposed by Native leaders and created jobs for Native workers.  And the project will reduce the impact of drought and provide a new source of water that Native farmers can now use to irrigate their fields.

The Gila River project is just one of the thousands that will be supported and backed up by our investment of nearly $2 billion in Native-led climate projects to help clean up pollution and build reliable, clean energy and adapt to extreme weather, all of which will help protect Native communities for this generation and for seven generations to come.

So, I will end with this.  A few minutes ago, I had the privilege to meet with a group of extraordinary young Native leaders.  Where are you guys?  I know you came in here.  Stand up, please.  Just — you all have to stand up.  Come on.  (Applause.)  And we had such a wonderful visit.  I could have just hung out with you guys all afternoon, to be honest.  (Laughter.) 

I’m telling you, our future is so bright.  And I said to these leaders a few things.  I mean, you know, this is just — I guess, for all of us, culturally, we lecture.  I lectured them.  (Laughter.)  I told them what to do.  I gave them advice they didn’t ask for.  (Laughter.) 

And one of the things I said to them is that your leadership and your voice is so important, and we are so proud of you.  And I said to them something everyone here knows: You know, you may many, many times — you will many times be the only one that looks like you in a room, be it a boardroom, a lecture hall, a meeting room, a congressional hearing.  You may be the only one that looks like you in that room.

But you always remember you are not in that room alone, that we are all in that room with you, and that when you walk in that room, we expect and demand that you will walk in that room chin up, shoulders back, carrying the voices of all of us who are so proud that you are there and are counting on you to lead.

And I see in our young leaders such incredible potential.  I see purpose.  I see determination.  I see ambition, which I applaud and must always be applauded.

And here is one of the things I love most about our young leaders: They are rightly impatient.  They are not waiting for someone else to lead.  They are prepared to lead. 

 And so, I say, in the midst of challenges, in the midst of what might sometimes be a profound sense of uncertainty, let us always continue to have faith in our young leaders, in their future, and in our collective future. 

And I thank you all, all the leaders here, for all you have done and all you will do.  And let us continue to fight for the opportunity and the dignity of all people. 

May God bless you.  And may God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

                         END                     1:51 P.M. EST 

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Today, President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. declared that a major disaster exists in the State of West Virginia and ordered Federal assistance to supplement state and local recovery efforts in the areas affected by Post-Tropical Storm Helene from September 25 to September 28, 2024.

The President’s action makes Federal funding available to affected individuals in Mercer County.

Assistance can include grants for temporary housing and home repairs, low-cost loans to cover uninsured property losses, and other programs to help individuals and business owners recover from the effects of the disaster.

Federal funding is also available on a cost-sharing basis for hazard mitigation measures statewide.

Ms. Georgeta Dragoiu of the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) has been appointed to coordinate Federal recovery operations in the affected areas. 

Additional designations may be made at a later date if requested by the state and warranted by the results of further damage assessments.

Residents and business owners who sustained losses in the designated areas can begin applying for assistance at www.DisasterAssistance.gov, by calling 800-621-FEMA (3362), or by using the FEMA App. Anyone using a relay service, such as video relay service (VRS), captioned telephone service or others, can give FEMA the number for that service. 

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION MEDIA SHOULD CONTACT THE FEMA NEWS DESK AT (202) 646-3272 OR FEMA-NEWS-DESK@FEMA.DHS.GOV.

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Three years in, President Biden’s executive order has catalyzed global markets and put the U.S. Government on track to meet his ambitious sustainability goals and save taxpayers money

When President Biden entered office, he pledged to restore America’s climate leadership and charged the Federal Government to deliver on that promise. He recognized that as the single largest land owner, energy consumer, and employer in the nation, and the largest purchaser on Earth, the Federal Government can catalyze private sector investment and expand the economy and American industry. The Biden-Harris Administration has transformed how we build, buy, and manage electricity, vehicles, buildings, infrastructure projects, and other operations to be clean and sustainable, while creating good clean energy jobs, supporting American manufacturing, and saving taxpayers money by cutting energy and operating costs.
 
The President’s Executive Order (E.O.) 14057 on Catalyzing Clean Energy Industries and Jobs Through Federal Sustainability and the accompanying Federal Sustainability Plan directs the U.S. Government to achieve net-zero greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2050 while boosting domestic manufacturing, supporting clean energy industries, creating high-paying union jobs, and cutting energy costs. As part of the President’s Investing in America agenda, the U.S. government has invested over $12 billion and launched thousands of projects to transition to electric vehicles, clean construction materials, and energy-efficient buildings powered by 100% clean electricity.
 
The President’s actions have created a bold new playbook to turn the climate crisis into economic opportunity. Just three years after President Biden signed E.O. 14057, GHG emissions from Federal operations are down 38% from 2008 levels. This puts the U.S. Government over halfway to the President’s goal of a 65% emissions reduction from Federal operations by 2030.
 
Take a look at the Biden-Harris Administration’s Federal sustainability progress by the numbers:
 

• Ordered nearly 82,000 zero-emissions vehicles (ZEVs) for the Federal fleet and installed 10,500 charging ports at Federal facilities nationwide, with an additional 52,500 charging ports in progress;
  
• Supported the U.S. Postal Service’s commitment to acquire 100% electric delivery trucks by 2026 – the first of which have already started to roll through neighborhoods – by leveraging an investment of $3 billion from the Inflation Reduction Act;
  
• Developed a clean electricity procurement pipeline with energy suppliers across 36 states that would move the Federal Government from its current 40% clean electricity match to 70% by 2027, on its way to 100% by 2030;
  
• Generated over $8 billion in private sector funding to launch thousands of modernization projects that will deliver energy- efficient, climate resilient, and all-electric Federal buildings, including at least 2,700 net-zero emissions buildings that are complete or underway today;
  
• Catalyzed America’s clean manufacturing industry by deploying nearly $4.5 billion in Inflation Reduction Act funding to use American-made low-carbon steel, concrete, asphalt, and glass in Federal infrastructure projects;
  
• Released the first comprehensive measurement of the Federal Scope 3 GHG footprint, launched a Federal supplier climate scorecard, and took additional actions that put the Federal Government on track to cut its Scope 3 emissions by 30% by 2030;
  
• Established the Federal Government’s first-ever goal to phase-out Federal procurement of single-use plastics from food service operations, events, and packaging by 2027, and from all Federal operations by 2035;
  
• Directed the nation’s two million Federal employees to prioritize the use of sustainable transportation, including electric vehicles (EVs), for business travel;
  
• Rallied other countries to accelerate their climate ambition by launching the U.S.-led Net-Zero Government Initiative, under which the United States and 33 partner countries have committed to achieve net-zero emissions from national government operations by 2050 and to publish roadmaps for reaching this goal; and
  
• Powering the White House complex with carbon-free electricity that will account for 95% of its total usage and installed new EV charging infrastructure to power its vehicle fleet, which will soon include electric vehicles. White House buildings have also been upgraded to reduce energy use and costs.

President Biden has taken the most significant and comprehensive actions ever to set the Federal Government on a course toward a cleaner, more efficient, and resilient future – establishing a historic legacy with benefits that will continue to be felt for years to come. With broad support from America’s manufacturers, clean energy developers, labor organizations, business leaders, states, and communities, the Federal Government’s 300,000 buildings, 600,000 vehicles, and $750 billion in annual procurement power will continue to be more sustainable and resilient while supporting good jobs, cutting costs, and saving taxpayers money.
 
Delivering on President Biden’s Federal Sustainability Plan
 
Electrifying the Federal Fleet: With more than 600,000 cars and trucks, the Federal Government is the largest vehicle fleet owner in the world. Transitioning this fleet to ZEVs is a core focus of President Biden’s Federal Sustainability Plan, which targets 100% ZEV acquisitions by 2035, including 100% light-duty acquisitions by 2027. At the start of the Administration, the Federal fleet included fewer than 2,000 ZEVs. Since President Biden took office, the Federal Government has ordered nearly 82,000 electric vehicles and installed 10,500 EV charging ports at Federal facilities, with an additional 52,500 ports in progress.

New, American-made electric United States Postal Service (USPS) delivery trucks are also beginning to roll through neighborhoods. USPS, which maintains over 200,000 vehicles, has committed that all Next Generation Delivery Vehicles in 2026 and thereafter will be electric vehicles. As part of that transition, the Postal Service is equipping hundreds of its sorting and delivery centers with electric vehicle charging stations.
 
Advancing Carbon-Free Electricity: Federal agencies have moved expeditiously to meet President Biden’s charge of powering all Federal operations with 100% carbon pollution-free electricity (CFE) by 2030, including 50% on a 24/7 basis, by taking a new approach to procuring electricity. Through engagement with energy suppliers across 36 states, the Biden-Harris Administration developed a clean electricity procurement pipeline that would move the Federal Government from its current 40% clean electricity match to 70% by 2027 on its way to 100% by 2030.
 
The General Services Administration (GSA) made history by executing the first-ever whole-of-government approach to procuring CFE clean electricity. GSA also executed the Federal Government’s first-ever contract for locally-supplied CFE delivered on a 24/7 hourly basis in Arkansas. Utilities have responded enthusiastically to GSA’s new approach, entering agreements to power Federal facilities in 24 states and the District of Columbia with 100% CFE by 2030.

Under this Administration, the Department of Defense (DOD) also executed the government’s first “sleeved” power purchase agreement, which will power five military installations in North and South Carolina with over 135 megawatts (MW) of newly built solar power; and cut the ribbon on the Edwards Air Force Base Solar Array, one of the world’s largest solar and battery storage projects, spanning more than 4,000 acres of public and private property lands. DOD also demonstrated leadership in engaging with the market on potential nuclear power from next generation microreactors and small modular reactors (SMRs). The Department of Energy has entered into realty agreements to develop 14,000 acres of DOE land for 1,550 MWs of new CFE generation through its Clean Up to Clean Energy Initiative. In total, the Federal Government has leveraged federal properties to site CFE projects equivalent to approximately 10% of all USG electricity consumption, or 5 terawatt hours annually.
 
The Federal Government has also engaged in energy regulatory processes in a new way, working with Entergy Arkansas to design a first-of-its-kind 24/7 hourly matched CFE tariff, and intervening as a large customer in integrated resource planning processes in Georgia, North Carolina, and Tennessee to achieve greater affordability, resilience and reductions to emissions. 
 
Reducing Building Emissions: The Federal Government has paved the way toward cost effective, super-efficient, all-electric buildings, with the goal of achieving a net-zero emissions building portfolio by 2045, including a 50% emissions reduction by 2032. Today, projects are complete or underway to bring 2,700 Federal buildings to net-zero emissions, covering over 40 million square feet, which puts the U.S. Government on track to achieve the goal set by the first-ever Federal Building Performance Standard. These leading-edge projects are energy efficient, climate resilient, all-electric, and better positioned to deliver on agencies’ missions.
 
Federal building emissions have been reduced by 39% since 2008, and 8% of reductions were delivered over the past 4 years, far outpacing historic trends. Energy savings from this Administration are comparable to the annual greenhouse gas emissions of over 300,000 homes. Further, agencies have built a strong pipeline of projects that will continue to deliver savings in years to come.
 
Investments in Federal buildings leveraged over $8 billion in private sector funding through performance contracting to launch thousands of modernization projects that will deliver energy- efficient, climate resilient, and all-electric Federal buildings. They also are expected to cut annual utility costs by over $175 million annually and create over 80,000 jobs.
 
The Administration has proven net-zero emissions buildings are cost effective through showcase projects at the Ronald Reagan Building and International Trade Center, the largest building in Washington, D.C., which is now 100% electric; Fort Hunter Liggett, the first U.S. Army base to achieve net-zero energy designation; and the Oklahoma City Federal Building, which cut energy costs and is pioneering power grid resilience strategies.
 
Building Sustainable Supply Chains: The Biden-Harris Administration has shown how the Federal Government, as the single largest purchaser in the world, can lead by example to reduce harmful emissions and catalyze climate action across its thousands of suppliers. Last month, the Administration released the first comprehensive measurement of the Federal Government’s Scope 3 emissions footprint, including the emissions associated with the $730 billion of goods and services that the government purchases annually. The Administration also released a Federal supplier climate scorecard that tracks the Federal Government’s top 200 suppliers’ progress toward addressing their climate risks.

To help Federal suppliers reduce their carbon footprints, the Administration launched a new webpage that connects suppliers with Federal programs, tools, and information that they can use to accelerate their decarbonization efforts. To further curb emissions, the Administration directed the Federal Government’s two million Federal employees to prioritize the use of sustainable transportation, including electric vehicles, for official and local travel. Together, these actions are expected to cut Federal Scope 3 emissions by 30% by 2030 – the equivalent of 40 million metric tons of CO2 emissions (MTCO2e) annually.

To further advance a more sustainable supply chain, the Biden-Harris Administration established the first-ever goal to phase out procurement of single-use plastic products from all Federal operations by 2035, and directed agencies for the first time to prioritize the purchase of sustainable products without added per- and polyfluoroalkyl substances (PFAS).
 
Buying Clean: The Biden-Harris Administration has delivered on the President’s charge to “buy clean” by using American-made low-carbon steel, concrete, asphalt, and glass in Federal infrastructure projects. The Administration’s landmark Federal Buy Clean Initiative leverages the sway of the U.S. government, as the largest purchaser on Earth, to spur demand for clean American manufacturing of materials that form the bedrock of our economy.
 
Since 2023, GSA has incorporated Buy Clean requirements in the construction specifications for more than 150 Federal building and infrastructure projects. Manufacturers have responded by publishing over 17,000 new environmental product declarations (EPDs) for low-carbon construction materials, demonstrating that industry is reacting to market demand for materials made with lower emissions. The 150 GSA-led projects are expected to support an estimated 6,000 jobs per year across the U.S. during construction and generate $2.7 billion in GDP. A complementary EPA grant program awarded $160 million from the Inflation Reduction Act to help manufacturers develop and verify additional EPDs.

The Department of Transportation (DOT) has awarded $1.2 billion in grants to 39 State Departments of Transportation to purchase American-made low-carbon construction materials. DOT anticipates awarding an additional $800 million in Inflation Reduction Act funds to cities, metropolitan planning organizations, Tribal governments and other Federal, State and local agencies in the coming weeks.
 
The Biden-Harris Administration has also partnered with state governments to accelerate action. The Federal-State Buy Clean Partnership includes 13 states that have committed to prioritizing the procurement of low-carbon infrastructure materials in state-funded projects, and to collaborate with the Federal Government and one another to send a harmonized demand signal to the marketplace.
 
Advancing Climate Adaptation and Resilience: When President Biden took office, he prioritized the revitalization of Federal agencies’ climate adaptation and resilience planning efforts. Today, 24 Federal agencies have adopted adaptation and resilience plans that address their most significant climate risks and vulnerabilities from 2024 to 2027 and outline the steps they are taking to strengthen their facilities’, employees’, resources’, and operations’ resilience to climate change impacts. For the first time, agencies have identified senior resilience leaders and created new accountability structures that integrate adaptation and resilience throughout their missions while also meeting the resilience requirements for the Disaster Resiliency Planning Act, as well as best practices for advancing climate-smart infrastructure. Agencies have also adopted common indicators to assess their progress towards identifying and addressing the risks that climate change poses to them and the people and communities they serve.
 
Partnering for a Broader Impact: The Biden-Harris Administration has prioritized partnering with other state, local, and international governments to accelerate sustainability initiatives at every level. The Greening Government Initiative (GGI), which the United States launched in 2021, is a first-of-its-kind initiative that enables over 60 member countries to exchange information, promote innovation, and share best practices to support global efforts to green national government operations and meet their commitments under the Paris Agreement.

Building on GGI’s success, in 2022 the U.S. launched the Net-Zero Government Initiative (NZGI) to increase countries’ ambition to green their national government operations. NZGI countries commit to achieving net-zero emissions from national government operations by 2050, and hold themselves accountable by publishing roadmaps that establish long-term and interim targets and plans. To date, 34 countries have joined this initiative.

Most recently, the U.S. launched the Government Scope 3 Alliance, a first-of-its-kind international alliance to reduce Scope 3 emissions from the public sector, whose members commit to set Scope 3 emissions reduction targets for their government operations and to report on their progress.
 
Climate Smart White House: Leading by example, the Administration has worked to secure clean electricity that will power 95% of White House complex operations, including its facilities, vehicle fleets and new EV charging infrastructure. These climate smart improvements increase resilience and energy efficiency across multiple buildings that make up the Executive Office of the President campus, saving taxpayer dollars through lower utility bills and operating costs.
 
Fostering a Climate-Focused Workforce and Advancing Environmental Justice and Equity: The Biden-Harris Administration launched multiple programs for Federal employees to enhance their sustainability and climate literacy and learn about the critical role they play in shifting to more sustainable and resilient operations. This included a sustainability speaker series featuring climate change experts Al Roker, Bill Nye, and Kathryn Hayhoe, along with launching a first-of-its-kind climate adaptation training that has supported 1,500 Federal program acquisition managers with preparing for and managing climate risks. The Administration also established a Presidential Federal Sustainability Awards program to recognize federal agencies and employees who have tackled complex challenges and delivered results for a cleaner, more efficient Federal Government.
 
The Biden-Harris Administration has delivered on President Biden’s commitment to not only advance sustainability and resilience within the Federal Government, but to do so in ways that advance environmental justice and equity. For the first time ever, Federal agencies are required to link climate adaptation and sustainability planning efforts with advancing environmental justice and the Justice40 Initiative, which seeks to ensure that 40 percent of the overall benefits of certain Federal investments flow to disadvantaged communities that are marginalized by underinvestment and overburdened by pollution. The Administration also issued a final rule promoting sustainability, equity, and community engagement in decisions on where federal facilities are located. As part of President Biden’s Investing in America agenda, the General Services Administration announced $23.8 million for 13 projects at federal buildings across 10 states through GSA’s Good Neighbor Program. The 13 federal building improvement project sites were selected for their opportunity to make a positive impact on local communities.

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President Joe Biden spoke today with King Abdullah II of Jordan. The President emphasized his full support for a Syrian-led transition process under the auspices of the United Nations as outlined in UN Security Council Resolution 2254. He also discussed the situation in eastern Syria to include the U.S. commitment to the D-ISIS mission, including the strikes conducted last night against a concentration of ISIS fighters and leaders.  The President emphasized the support of the United States for the stability of Jordan and Jordan’s central role in maintaining stability and de-escalating tensions throughout the Middle East region. The leaders also discussed the situation in Gaza and the urgent need to conclude the ceasefire and hostage release agreement together with a surge in humanitarian assistance for the people of Gaza. They agreed to remain in regular contact directly and through their teams. 

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For a century and a half spanning the early 19th and mid- 20th centuries, the Federal Government removed American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian children (Native children) from their families, Tribes, and homelands, often by force or coercion, and transported them to institutions across the United States.  These institutions collectively became known as the “Federal Indian boarding school system.”  The Federal Government’s goal was to assimilate Native children by stripping them of their languages, religions, and cultures.  To that end, the children taken to these institutions were often separated from their families for years, and many never returned to their homes.  The schools often used physical abuse, compulsory labor, and corporal punishment to achieve their assimilative ends.  Many Native children were subjected to sexual abuse at the schools.  School staff cut their hair, made them give up their traditional clothes and names, provided them with inadequate medical services, and deprived them of essential nutrition.  According to available records, nearly 1,000 Native youths died in schools across the system, but the actual number of lives lost is likely much higher.  Many children attempted to flee from schools in the system; while some managed to escape, those who did not often faced severe discipline.  For the survivors of the schools, and for the families and Tribes whose children were taken from them, the trauma and violence inflicted by the Federal Indian boarding school system have had profound effects across multiple generations, and those impacts continue today. 

     The Federal Government’s attempt to control and assimilate Native children into Anglo-European culture, society, and religion through the Federal Indian boarding school system was part of a broader effort to destroy American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian political, social, and cultural structures; stifle opposition and resistance in those communities; and appropriate Tribal lands, waters, and resources.  This effort was carried out through policies implemented at Federal Indian boarding schools and actions taken by multiple executive departments and agencies across the administrations of 34 Presidents — from Thomas Jefferson through Lyndon B. Johnson — using today’s equivalent of at least $23 billion in Federal appropriations.  

     Despite this system and other destructive Federal policies, Indian Tribes (Tribes, or Tribal Nations), including Alaska Native Villages, and the Native Hawaiian Community retained their identities and cultures and rebuilt their political and community institutions, including by taking over and transforming some of the Federal Indian boarding schools that once caused widespread and enduring pain.

     Founded in 1879, the Carlisle Indian Industrial School (Carlisle School) in Pennsylvania was the first Federal off-reservation boarding school for Native children.  By the time it ceased operations in 1918, the Carlisle School had subjected 7,800 Indian children from more than 140 Tribes to its coercive form of education.  Some children were as young as 5 years old when they arrived.  The Federal Indian boarding school system, which continued through the 1960s following practices first used at the Carlisle School, inflicted a legacy of individual, collective, and multi-generational trauma on Tribes and the Native Hawaiian Community.  

     The former campus of the Carlisle School is located within the boundaries of what is now the United States Army’s Carlisle Barracks (Carlisle Barracks), one of the Nation’s oldest military installations.  The Continental Congress first used the property as a center for artillery and ordnance supplies for the Continental Army under General George Washington.  In 1863, during the Civil War, Confederate troops torched buildings on the campus, which functioned at the time as a central supply center for the Union Army.  The Federal Government rebuilt the barracks between 1863 and 1864 in the original footprint and style.

     The Carlisle School campus was designated as a National Historic Landmark in 1961 and added to the National Register of Historic Places in 1966.  The 24 historic structures associated with the Carlisle School include residential, vocational, and athletic buildings that evoke the Federal Indian boarding school era.  Prominent among these are the historic School Road Gateposts.  Constructed by the labor of children and youths at the Carlisle School, these gateposts were the first structures that some children taken to Carlisle would have seen as they walked along the pathway and entered the campus.  The gateposts still stand today as a marker of the removal and separation of children from their families, Tribes, and homelands.

     The concept of using the education of Native children and separation from their families and Tribes as weapons of control and religious conversion echoes back centuries to early colonial times in the 1600s.  In 1819, the Congress laid the groundwork for a general system of Indian education by enacting the Civilization Fund Act (3 Stat. 516).  The Act authorized the President to provide for “[e]mployment of instructors for Indians,” including “for teaching their children in reading, writing, and arithmetic,” and provided an annual appropriation of funds for that purpose.  Over the ensuing five decades, these funds were distributed to various entities (particularly missionary organizations) and individuals “prominent in the effort to ‘civilize’ the Indians.”  At least 59 religious institutions and organizations received Federal Government funding to operate or support schools in the Federal Indian boarding school system.  

     The more immediate origins of the philosophy of the Federal Indian boarding school system trace to an organized “experiment of enforced civilization” in 1875.  At that time, President Ulysses S. Grant’s War Department, acting on directions from the Congress, selected Tribal members labeled as “hostiles” or “ringleaders” to be taken prisoner and transported by train from the West to Fort Marion, Florida.  The United States Army targeted and arrested 72 members from a range of Tribes.  The War Department then issued Special Orders detailing 1st Lieutenant Richard Henry Pratt of the 10th Cavalry to accompany the prisoners — a group of men, women, and children — on their trip and remain in charge of them upon arrival.  

     Pratt oversaw all aspects of the Fort Marion incarceration and treatment of the prisoners:  cutting off their hair, clothing them in military uniforms, running military drills, selling their crafts and drawings, teaching them English, and assigning prisoners to work as laborers.  During a speech delivered in 1892 to the National Conference of Charities and Corrections in Denver, Colorado, Pratt expressed his infamous approach to assimilation:  “[T]hat all the Indian there is in the race should be dead.  Kill the Indian in him and save the man.”  This soon became the blueprint and philosophy for how children would be treated at Federal Indian boarding schools.

     In 1882, the Congress authorized the Secretary of War to set aside any vacant posts or barracks for industrial training for Indian youth and to detail Army officers for Indian education under the direction of the Secretary of the Interior.  Three years earlier, in August 1879, the Secretary of War had approved the first such transfer, of the vacant Carlisle Barracks in Pennsylvania, to the Secretary of the Interior to be used as a school for Native children.  On October 6, 1879, 83 American Indian and Alaska Native children — 24 girls and 59 boys — arrived at the newly founded Carlisle School.  The Congress subsequently passed a law that paid a salary to Pratt, whom the Secretary of War had placed in charge of the Carlisle School at the request of the Secretary of the Interior.  For almost 40 years, the Department of the Interior operated the Carlisle School as an Indian Industrial School, melding the approach of incarceration with assimilative education policies.  

     When children arrived at the Carlisle School, they were immersed in the practices of so-called “civilized” life — a term frequently used to describe the goal of the Federal Indian boarding schools in Federal Government reports.  Their hair was cut and their clothing was replaced with military uniforms for boys and Victorian dresses for girls.  One of the children brought to the Carlisle School in its opening year, Luther Standing Bear — a child of the Oglala Lakota Chief Standing Bear — later recounted his experience:  “Now, after having my hair cut . . . I felt that I was no more Indian but would be an imitation of a white man.”  Zitkala-Sa, a Dakota woman from the Yankton Sioux Reservation, recalled the confusion and fear she felt on her first day as a child at Carlisle, during which school officials dragged her from her hiding place under a bed, tied her to a chair, and forcibly cut her thick braids:  “Then I lost my spirit. . . . In my anguish I moaned for my mother, but no one came to comfort me . . . for now I was only one of many little animals driven by a herder.”

     All children at the Carlisle School experienced a regimented daily schedule starting at 6:00 a.m. and concluding with Taps and room inspection at 9:00 p.m.  Sunday school, chapel services, Catholic instruction, and Bible study classes were required.  Carlisle School instructors also imposed strict rules about teaching English and prohibited the children from speaking their native languages — a rule that was often enforced with corporal punishment. 

     “Vocational” or “industrial” training in the form of compulsory labor was a central component of the Carlisle School throughout its operation.  Boys were assigned mechanics, blacksmithing, tin-smithing, wagon-making, carpentering, tailoring, shoemaking, harness-making, baking, painting, printing, and farming.  Girls were assigned cooking, laundry, and housekeeping.  In what became known as the “outing system” -– an arrangement intended to “impart[] the lesson of Americanism” — Carlisle School administrators regularly sent children and youths to spend a portion of each year living with and working for white families.  School administrators then deposited the children’s compensation “to their credit” with the school.

     Carlisle School leaders also used the children’s labor to perform maintenance, construction, and operations work on the campus.  Several buildings — including a large brick printing office, a gymnasium, a hospital, doctor’s quarters, a model home, a laundry building, the Leupp Indian Art Studio, and a warehouse — were primarily constructed by the youths of the Carlisle School.  

     The Carlisle School’s start as a Federal Indian boarding school coincided with the rise of American football.  Although students also participated in other athletics, the Carlisle School used the football team as a means to earn publicity and garner support for the boarding school approach to assimilation.  In 1899, the Carlisle School hired a well-known football coach, Glenn “Pop” Warner, and in the ensuing years the Carlisle football team boasted an impressive win-loss record, including victories over colleges such as Harvard and the University of Pennsylvania.  Newspapers published articles with sensational stories and photographs of the Carlisle School games, spotlighting Carlisle student athletes Dennison Wheelock, Gus Welch, and Jim Thorpe.  For a small number of players, like Thorpe, football provided access to higher educational opportunities and athletic success.  But for most players, the Carlisle football team did not lead to additional opportunities.  

     Indeed, for the student body more generally, the athletic program amounted to another form of exploitation by the school.  To fund the gymnasium, the Carlisle School took purported donations from the children’s Individual Indian Money Accounts, which were trust accounts created and managed by the Federal Government.  The school also used sales of items made by children and gate receipts from athletic events held on the Carlisle School’s fields and cinder track for its own uses.  A congressional investigation in 1914 received testimony that Warner used the Carlisle football game proceeds for his personal gain.

     Conditions at the Carlisle School — located in a remote area over a thousand miles away from many children’s homes — were unfamiliar and harsh.  Children lived in close quarters and were exposed to diseases they had not encountered previously.  More than 180 children died while attending the Carlisle School; many of them are buried in marked gravesites at the Carlisle Barracks Main Post Cemetery.  

     The Carlisle School’s tenure as a Federal Indian boarding school ended in 1918, at the end of World War I, when the War Department took back control of the post and opened a hospital to care for wounded soldiers.  At that time, 279 children left the Carlisle School and were transferred to other Federal Indian boarding schools.  

     The Carlisle School’s legacy extends far beyond its almost 40 years of operation.  The Carlisle School became a model replicated in more than 417 federally supported Indian boarding schools in 37 States and then-territories over the course of the next century.  In addition, some Indian boarding schools were operated by religious institutions and organizations that did not receive Federal Government support.  Across the Federal Indian boarding school system, the Federal Government’s policies of cultural disruption and assimilation resulted in a collective loss of language, religion, and identity, and inflicted intergenerational trauma that persists today and remains a painful but important part of our Nation’s story.

     Many Tribal leaders resisted the Federal Indian boarding school system and took steps to try to protect Native children and reunite families.  After the United States military entered Third Mesa of Hopi in 1890 and took 104 children from their families into the Federal Indian boarding school system, Hopi leaders refused to send additional Hopi children to the school.  In response, in November 1894, the Federal Government arrested 19 Hopi leaders and held them as prisoners for nearly a year at Alcatraz Island in California, a former United States military installation.  The names of these Hopi leaders were:  Heevi’ima, Polingyawma, Masatiwa, Qotsventiwa, Piphongva, Lomahongewma, Lomayestiwa, Yukiwma, Tuvehoyiwma, Patupha, Qotsyawma, Sikyakeptiwa, Talagayniwa, Talasyawma, Nasingayniwa, Lomayawma, Tawalestiwa, Aqawsi, and Qoiwiso.

     On May 23, 1881, Chief Spotted Tail and parents from the Rosebud Sioux Tribe requested that the Federal Government return the human remains of Rosebud Sioux Tribe children buried at the Carlisle School to their Indian Reservation in South Dakota.  On July 14, 2021 — over 140 years later — the Army transferred the human remains of nine children to the Rosebud Sioux Tribe to return them to their homelands.  The names of these nine children were:  Dennis Strikes First (Blue Tomahawk); Rose Long Face (Little Hawk); Lucy Take The Tail (Pretty Eagle); Warren Painter (Bear Paints Dirt); Ernest Knocks Off (White Thunder); Maud Little Girl (Swift Bear); Alvan, aka Roaster, Kills Seven Horses, One That Kills Seven Horses; Friend Hollow Horn Bear; and Dora Her Pipe (Brave Bull).  The Army is currently implementing its Carlisle Barracks Disinterment Program, which, consistent with Army regulations and policy, promotes engagement with the Tribes and families of the children who died at the Carlisle School to return their remains to their ancestral homelands.  This program has successfully disinterred and returned the remains of 41 children to their families.

     Many buildings that made up or are connected to the original Carlisle School campus remain.  Twenty-four historic structures associated with the Carlisle School have been preserved by the Army and stand today within the National Historic Landmark district at Carlisle Barracks.  In addition to those structures mentioned above, the site also includes living quarters, the Superintendent’s residence, the “Pop” Warner House, Washington Hall, the Hessian Powder Magazine (built in 1777 and known since 1870 as a guard house), and athletic fields that parallel the original Carlisle School track.  The four School Road Gateposts, when constructed in 1910, marked the main entrance to the boarding school campus.  

     Designating the former campus of the Carlisle School, with boundaries consistent with the National Historic Landmark, as a national monument will help ensure this shameful chapter of American history is never forgotten or repeated.  Establishing a national monument at the historic Carlisle School and acknowledging the Federal Government’s policies aimed at destroying Tribal and Indigenous political structures, cultures, and traditions — including through the Federal Indian boarding school system — takes a step toward redress and national healing in the arc of the survival, resilience, and triumph of Indian Tribes (including Alaska Native Villages) and the Native Hawaiian Community.

     WHEREAS, section 320301 of title 54, United States Code (the “Antiquities Act”), authorizes the President, in the President’s discretion, to declare by public proclamation historic landmarks, historic and prehistoric structures, and other objects of historic or scientific interest that are situated upon the lands owned or controlled by the Federal Government to be national monuments, and to reserve as a part thereof parcels of land, the limits of which shall be confined to the smallest area compatible with the proper care and management of the objects to be protected; and

     WHEREAS, the Department of the Interior, at the direction of the Secretary of the Interior, who is herself a descendant of survivors of the Federal Indian boarding school system, established the Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative, which has helped bring to light the extensive breadth and depth of the role the Federal Government played in creating the Federal Indian boarding school system; and

     WHEREAS, I issued a long-overdue Presidential apology to Tribal Nations and Native people on behalf of the Federal Government acknowledging the lasting harms caused by the Federal Indian boarding school policy and recognizing the need to learn from this history and advance the goal of healing; and

     WHEREAS, the Carlisle School was the Nation’s first off-reservation Federal Indian boarding school, provided a template for institutions across the Nation and internationally for its assimilation practices, and today remains one of the Nation’s best-preserved examples of the Federal Indian boarding school era; and

     WHEREAS, the Department of the Army (Army) has taken steps to preserve part of the Carlisle School campus and the historic objects it contains, ensuring that its history can be told; and

     WHEREAS, the historic buildings and pathways that are part of the Carlisle School campus — where thousands of Native children lived, and in some cases died, far from their families, Tribes, and homelands; were compelled to participate in school activities designed to separate them from their cultures and identities; and performed compulsory manual labor — are important historic objects that reflect and embody the Carlisle School’s years of operation and the similar practices of other institutions in the Federal Indian boarding school system; and

     WHEREAS, the School Road Gateposts are a nationally significant passageway and an historic object on the site through which Native children walked after being removed from their homes and families during the Federal Indian boarding school era, and are contributing features of the Carlisle Indian Industrial School National Historic Landmark first designated by the Secretary of the Interior in 1961 and updated in 1985; and

     WHEREAS, designation of the monument will further the efforts of the United States to aid in recovery, reconciliation, and healing for Indian Tribes, the Native Hawaiian Community, and survivors and their descendants affected by the Federal Indian boarding school system, while honoring and mourning the lives of Native children lost and celebrating those who persisted; and

     WHEREAS, I find that all the objects identified above, and objects of the type identified above within the area described herein, are objects of historic interest in need of protection under section 320301 of title 54, United States Code, regardless of whether they are expressly identified as objects of historic interest in the text of this proclamation; and

     WHEREAS, I find that the boundaries of the monument reserved by this proclamation represent the smallest area compatible with the proper care and management of the objects of historic interest identified above, as required by the Antiquities Act; and

     WHEREAS, it is in the public interest to preserve and protect the objects of historic interest associated with the Carlisle School and its prominent role in the story of Federal Indian boarding schools instituted under the United States policy of forced assimilation of Native children;

     NOW, THEREFORE, I, JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR., President of the United States of America, by the authority vested in me by section 320301 of title 54, United States Code, hereby proclaim the objects identified above that are situated upon lands and interests in lands owned or controlled by the Federal Government to be part of the Carlisle Federal Indian Boarding School National Monument (monument) and, for the purpose of protecting those objects, reserve as part thereof all lands and interests in lands that are owned or controlled by the Government of the United States within the boundaries described on the accompanying map, which is attached to and forms a part of this proclamation.  The reserved Federal lands and interests in lands within the monument’s boundaries consist of approximately 24.5 acres, which are coextensive with the boundaries of the Carlisle Indian Industrial School National Historic Landmark and lie within the approximately 520-acre boundary of Carlisle Barracks.  The boundaries described on the accompanying map are confined to the smallest area compatible with the proper care and management of the objects to be protected.

     All Federal lands and interests in lands within the boundaries of the monument are hereby appropriated and withdrawn from all forms of entry, location, selection, sale, or other disposition under the public land laws or laws applicable to the Army, including withdrawal from location, entry, and patent under the mining laws, and from disposition under all laws relating to mineral, solar, and geothermal leasing.  The establishment of the monument is subject to valid existing rights.

     The Secretary of the Army is hereby directed to transfer to the National Park Service (NPS) administrative jurisdiction over the approximately 258 square feet (0.006 acres) identified by the Army as the School Road Gateposts.  In furtherance of the Antiquities Act and pursuant to their respective legal authorities, the Secretary of the Interior and the Secretary of the Army shall manage the monument through the NPS and the Army, respectively.  The management of the monument shall be conducted in a cooperative manner, in accordance with the terms, conditions, and direction provided by this proclamation, and consistent with an agreement between the NPS and the Army that details their respective duties and responsibilities for management of the monument.

     Following transfer of administrative jurisdiction over the School Road Gateposts, the NPS shall administer that portion of the monument, and the Army shall continue to administer the remaining portion of the monument.  The NPS shall be responsible for interpretation of and education regarding the entirety of the monument in consultation with the Army. 

     Within 3 years of the date of this proclamation, or as soon as practicable to incorporate Tribal views, knowledge, and expertise, as appropriate, for the purpose of preserving, interpreting, and enhancing the public understanding and appreciation of the monument, the NPS, in consultation with the Army, shall prepare a management plan for the monument.  The management plan shall ensure the monument fulfills the following purposes for the benefit of present and future generations:  (1) to preserve the historic resources within the boundaries of the monument; (2) to interpret the story of the Carlisle School and its significance to the history of the Federal Indian boarding school system; and (3) to commemorate the efforts and resilience of Tribal Nations and Indigenous Peoples, including survivors of the Carlisle School and others affected by Federal Indian boarding schools, who are working to advance healing and reconciliation, to recover Native languages and cultures, and to chart a vibrant future for all Native children.   

     In recognition of the centrality of Tribal participation to tell this story, to inform interpretation of the objects that are part of the monument, and to enhance public understanding and appreciation of the monument, the Secretary of the Interior, through the NPS and in coordination with the Army, shall meaningfully engage Tribal Nations and the Native Hawaiian Community in the development of the management plan and ongoing management of the monument.  The Secretary of the Interior, through the NPS, shall also take steps to ensure that management decisions affecting the monument incorporate Tribal expertise and Indigenous Knowledge in an appropriate manner consistent with Tribal Nations’ concerns for protecting Indigenous Knowledge and expertise.  The Secretary of the Interior, through the NPS, shall enter into an agreement with interested federally recognized Indian Tribes to set forth terms, pursuant to applicable laws, regulations, and policies, for co-stewardship of the monument.  The Secretary of the Interior, through the NPS, shall also provide for consultation with any federally recognized Indian Tribe with historical connections to any part of the Federal Indian boarding school system regarding the interpretation of that system’s history at the monument. 

     As the Federal Indian boarding school system affected nearly every Indian Tribe (including Alaska Native Villages) and the Native Hawaiian Community, and in view of the wide array of resulting experiences and perspectives, the Secretary of the Interior, through the NPS, is also directed, as appropriate, to use applicable authorities to seek to enter into agreements with other entities to address common interests related to the interpretation of and education regarding the monument, and care and preservation of historic objects therein.  These entities may include Dickinson College; the Cumberland County Historical Society; Phoenix Indian School; Haskell Indian Nations University; Stewart Indian School Cultural Center and Museum; Sheldon Jackson Museum; Fort Apache Heritage Foundation, Inc.; Kamehameha Schools; and existing National Park System units with resources related to the Federal Indian boarding school system.

     Nothing in this proclamation shall affect or diminish the Army’s authority to administer Carlisle Barracks, including the Army’s ability to execute its mission at Carlisle Barracks, or the Army’s obligations to comply with environmental protection and historic preservation laws or engage in appropriate Tribal consultation.  Further, nothing in this proclamation shall limit the Army’s ability to control public access to Carlisle Barracks or take all necessary measures to ensure emergency preparedness, safety, and security.

     Nothing in this proclamation shall be deemed to revoke any existing withdrawal, reservation, or appropriation; however, the monument shall be the dominant reservation.

     Warning is hereby given to all unauthorized persons not to appropriate, injure, destroy, or remove any feature of the monument and not to locate or settle upon any of the lands thereof.

     If any provision of this proclamation, including application to a particular parcel of land, is held to be invalid, the remainder of this proclamation and its application to other parcels of land shall not be affected thereby.

     IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand this ninth day of December, in the year of our Lord two thousand twenty-four, and of the Independence of the United States of America the two hundred and forty-ninth.

                              JOSEPH R. BIDEN JR.

The post A Proclamation on the Establishment of the Carlisle Federal Indian Boarding School National Monument appeared first on The White House.

Via Teleconference

2:30 P.M. EST

MODERATOR:  This call is on background, attributable to a senior administration official.  Contents of the call are embargoed until the conclusion of the call.  And you can queue yourself up for questions by using the “Raise Your Hand” feature.

For your awareness, not for your reporting, the official on the line today is [senior administration official].  He’ll have a few words for you at the top, and then we’ll take your questions.

With that, over to you. 

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Hey, thanks.  And thanks, everybody, for joining. 

So, the collapse of the Assad regime is a momentous event and it’s a historic landmark event, and we wanted to take the opportunity to just provide some additional background after the President’s remarks, which you all should have seen.  And then we’re happy to take a few questions. 

Before we do that, we just want to make clear up front: This is a day for Syrians, about Syrians.  It’s not about the United States or anyone else.  It’s about the people of Syria who now have a chance to build a new country, free of the oppression and corruption of the Assad family and decades of misrule.  We owe them support as they do so, and we are prepared to provide it.  But the future of Syria, like the fall of Assad today, will be written by Syrians for Syrians.

Now, as the President stated, the fall of this regime is also a fundamental act of justice.  It’s a moment of justice for the victims of this regime and a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria, and also, of course, a moment of risk and uncertainty, as he discussed.

Let me walk through just some of what has transpired.

First, as the President emphasized today, it is impossible not to place this week’s events in the context of the decisions the President has made to fully back Israel against Iran and its proxy terrorist groups, including Hezbollah, and Ukraine against Russia.  In fact, in speaking with the President today in the Oval Office, we noted you can really draw a line from the fateful decisions that we made, and that Iran made in the days after October 7th, to today. 

I think if you just go back, for example, to the President’s Oval Office address to the American people on October 20th, 2023, where he made the case to the American people to support these two close friends under attack — wars that they did not ask for, they did not start — but we were determined to support those friends in their hours of need, and we have done so.  We built bipartisan majorities in Congress to do just that.  That support is ongoing.  It is continuous to this day for both Israel and Ukraine. 

And I think the results here speak for themselves.  Hamas is on its back; its leaders are dead.  Iran is on its back.  Hezbollah is on its back.  Russia is on its back.  It’s just abandoned its only ally in the Middle East.  Now, the Assad regime, Russia and Iran’s main ally in the Middle East, has just collapsed. 

None of this would have been possible absent the direct support for Ukraine and Russia in their own defense provided by the United States of America.  And the direct defense of Israel against Iran, as the President noted, and the relentless pressure that has been applied — military, economic, diplomatic — are all in combination.

Now, since the situation broke out one week ago and following the Lebanon ceasefire and the rebel advance in Syria, just to kind of provide a bit from behind the scenes, we have been working constantly, 24/7, with our contacts on the ground in Syria, with our regional partners, keeping the President fully briefed and informed throughout.  We’ve worked to encourage Iraq in particular to stay out of it, not get drawn into this, as well as communicating constantly with Lebanon, Israel, Turkey, Jordan, Iraq, and everybody in the region. 

The collapse of the regime came when the citizens of Syria made clear they would not band with the army and the regime.  Russia and Iran made clear they would no longer support Assad, and there were no reinforcements coming from anywhere.  Assad was effectively abandoned because his only friends — again, Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia — no longer had the capacity to help.

This result also, we believe, reflects a clear and principled policy towards Syria which has further contributed to Assad’s weakness over the last four years.  I can talk about that briefly and then some of our actions moving forward.  I think the President laid this out. 

But we’ve made clear throughout that the sanctions on the Assad regime, which have been put on the Assad regime over a period of years and over the last four years, the only way that that sanctions policy would change is if Assad engaged seriously in a political process to end the civil war, as outlined in U.N. Security Council Resolution 2254.  He never did so.  And we carried out a comprehensive sanctions program against him and all those responsible for atrocities against the Syrian people.  I think the designations are in the seven hundreds or so.  We can get you all of those facts. 

We maintained our military presence in Syria to counter ISIS and to support our local partners on the ground, the Syrian Democratic Forces.  We never ceded an inch of territory.  We’ve taken out the leaders of ISIS, including a caliphate of ISIS, ensuring that ISIS can never reestablish a safe haven there. 

I think an example of that is just, today, the President’s authorization.  We targeted a significant gathering of ISIS fighters and leaders — I think 75 targets in all — and about 140 munitions dropped on that site.  That just happened a couple hours ago.  And I think CENTCOM has a release on that that should be out now. 

We supported Israel’s freedom of action against Iranian networks in Syria and against actors aligned with Iran who transported lethal aid to partners to Lebanon.  That is something that went on all through the last four years.  And when necessary, we authorized and used U.S. military forces against those Iranian networks to protect U.S. forces, all without getting drawn into a broader Middle East conflict. 

Looking forward, we will be supporting Syria’s neighbors — Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, Israel — from any threats from Syria during this important period of transition.  The President will be speaking with leaders in the region here over the course of the coming days.  Senior administration officials will be in the region. 

We will be maintaining the mission against ISIS, helping ensure stability in east Syria; protecting our personnel from any threats; but most importantly, engaging with all Syrian groups to establish, and help wherever we can, a transition away from the Assad regime towards an independent, sovereign Syria that can serve the interests of all Syrians under the rule of law, protecting a rich diversity and tapestry of Syrian society — all the ethnicities, religions, minority groups.  And we’ll continue our massive efforts of providing humanitarian relief for the Syrian people, something that has also been ongoing over the last four years.

As the President mentioned, obviously there are American citizens in Syria, and we are focused on that through our State Department.  And of course, Austin Tice.  He mentioned Austin Tice.  I think the FBI just put out again a $1 million reward for finding Austin Tice.  And we’re determined to do everything we possibly can to find Austin and return him to his family. 

I will also say, as these momentous events here over the last two weeks — from the Lebanon ceasefire, now to the fall of Assad — we’re also working assiduously on the Gaza conflict and a ceasefire and the release of hostages and a number of other things, because we do believe there’s a path here, given the dramatically changed balance of power in the region that the President spoke to today — a path here to a Middle East that is far more stable, far more aligned with our interests, and far more aligned with the interests of the people of the Middle East who want to live in peace, without wars, and in prosperity in a region that is more integrated and prosperous and peaceful. 

So that is something we continue to work on.  And again, we think today’s events are historic, momentous, welcomed.  And we just wanted to provide some background.  I’m happy to answer some questions.

MODERATOR:  Thanks.  First up, we’ll go to Kayla Tausche. 

Q    Thanks so much.  I first wanted to just ask about the U.S. assessment of HTS.  What is the U.S. assessment of HTS? 

And when President Biden, in his remarks, called on other opposition groups to speak up, what is the intended outcome there? 

And then finally, the President said U.S. officials will be traveling to the region.  Can you share any more information about who and when and where?  Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So, I don’t have any travel to announce, but we actually have been putting all that together.  Some travel being pre-planned and now some being newly planned, and looking to have a very well-coordinated effort with different people in different places so that we can have kind of a saturated diplomatic engagement, which will be ongoing. 

HTS, as you know, was designated in 2018, and we’ve been obviously watching very closely.  I think the President mentioned today the statements of rebel leaders and what they’re saying, and seeing if the statements are translated into actions on the ground.  We’re very much hopeful they will be. 

But we will be engaging with a broad spectrum of Syrian society, opposition groups, groups on the ground in Syria, exile groups.  We have broad contacts that we built up over the course of over the past decade and even beyond.  And that effort will be ongoing. 

We have been in deep discussions with the U.N. Envoy to Syria, Geir Pedersen, and, of course, all of our regional contacts. 

So I think you’ll see very broad-spectrum engagement. 

I just want to emphasize, though: The future here will be written by Syrians.  We are not coming up with a blueprint from Washington for the future of Syria.  This is written by Syrians.  The fall of Assad was delivered by Syrians.  But I think it’s very clear that the United States can provide a helping hand, and we are very much prepared to do so.  And we will make judgments, again, based upon the actions and the (inaudible) of various groups.

MODERATOR:  Next up, we’ll go to Zeke Miller.

Q    Thanks for doing this.  Just to follow up and put a finer point on that question regarding HTS: Is the U.S. going to have any direct engagement with HTS?  You mentioned you’re going to have engagement with all the opposition groups, specifically with HTS.

Separately, there’s some reporting out there that Assad had made some last-minute efforts to kind of back-channel the U.S. to try to get out of this situation and somehow save his government.  And can you confirm that or provide any more color and texture on that?

And then lastly, what is the U.S. government’s assessment of Assad’s chemical weapons and the level of concern that there may not be proper command and control over those?  Thank you.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Yeah, we did not get any serious out- — I mean, I see these rumors all the time.  We did not get any serious outreach from Assad, nor would we have considered any such outreach serious at all.  I think the writing was very much on the wall here, and I think our policy and our position was quite clear. 

So, some of the stories that have been out there are just not accurate.  Certainly, we here did not get any such outreach.  I don’t think we would have taken any such thing very seriously.

On chemical weapons, something we are very focused on: Obviously, a lot of expertise in the U.S. government on this issue, and we’ve been concentrated on that here over the past week or so as the situation broke out, and I think we are taking very prudent measures in that regard. 

On HTS, is there contact: I think it’s safe to say there’s contact with all Syrian groups as we work to do whatever we can to support the Syrians through a transition.  But I think I’ll leave it at that.

MODERATOR:  Next up, we’ll go to Andrea Mitchell.

Q    Hi.  Thank you for doing this.  In terms of the anti-ISIS forces, our forces, and some of our allied forces there, will there be efforts to protect them?

And can you give us any more clarity on — if not the chemicals, but the missiles and rockets?  And do we have some visibility on the stockpiles and where things are and how that might be addressed if it were an emergency?  The Israelis are saying that they’re increasing their security on the border and are concerned about the weapons — all of the weapons.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So, just on the east, I think we have a demonstrated record of protecting positions in the east.  That’s something the President, again, reaffirms; it’s something we will continue to do.  We think that presence is critically important for the stability of those areas and for denying the efforts of ISIS to resurge, and also for the integrity of the SDF and the groups that we work with in the east to maintain stability out there.  So, we’re obviously working on that.

As this unfolded here over the last eight or nine days.  It’s hard to count days, but I think it’s been about eight days.  That’s been a constant effort.  And I think you’ll see some line shift.  Just for example, as the Assad forces and Russians and some of these Iranian-backed militias just peeled out of areas, the SDF filled some of that space, some other groups filled some of that space. 

We’ve been working on this through our people on the ground and through diplomatic channels constantly here over the last week, and we helped coordinate the safe passage of tens of thousands of civilians from western Syria into eastern Syria, something that, again, I think give tremendous credit to some of our military personnel or diplomatic personnel working these issues in real time over the last eight days. 

I know a lot of it has been behind the scenes, and we have not been giving briefings as this has unfolded, but we have been, again, assiduously working on all those problems.

Just on the kind of accoutrements of the Assad regime’s military arsenal, whether it’s chemical weapons or anything else: Yes, we do have good fidelity on this type of thing, as do some of our partners.  And I want to just assure you that we are doing everything we can to prudently ensure that those materials are either not available to anyone or are cared for.  So there’s a number of efforts going on in that regard, including some of our partners in the region who have been engaged.  So that’s something that we’re very much focused on.

MODERATOR:  Next up, we’ll go to Steve Holland.

Q    Hey there.  Just broadly, how big a surprise was this that the rebels would be able to take over Syria in the course of one week?

And when the President says Assad should be held accountable, what does he mean?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Well, Steve, I think it’s safe to say the complete collapse of the regime, and the speed with which this has transpired, unfolded rapidly.  I think if I had been on this call a week ago, and I’ve said this — where we’d be in a week, I think — and all the intel analysts I spoke to, experts believe the regime is very brittle.  Russia and Iran do not have the capacity to help in the way it used to. 

But the fact that the overall weakness of this entire artifice — honestly, this entire Iranian-backed artifice in the region — the brittleness, the weakness, the hollowing out; and I think U.S. policy is a direct contributor to this for the reasons I laid out and the President laid out — is significant, is important, has completely changed the equation in the Middle East, and you saw that play out here over the last week. 

So I don’t wouldn’t use the word “surprised,” because when this started to break out last week, and we saw the fall of Aleppo, we started to prepare for all possible contingencies.  And again, have been working on the ground a number of ways I just mentioned, and preparing for the potentiality of this moment that we saw unfold over the last 24 hours.  And I think we did a lot of good work here over the last week in preparing for that.

On accountability: Look, the Assad regime, as we have always said, has always been a pillar of our policy that Assad should be held accountable for the various crimes committed against his own people.  I saw the Russians have announced that they have granted him political asylum in Russia.  I would refer you to the Russians for why they would want to grant political asylum for a leader whose own people have just clearly turned on him for the crimes that he has committed against his own people. 

But I think the accountability question will be one that we will continue to pursue through appropriate channels.

MODERATOR:  Next up, we’ll go to Michael Gordon.

Q    Thank you.  There have been clashes already, to some extent, in the Manbij area between Turkish-backed forces and the SDF, and fears of escalation all this could impact the U.S. counter-ISIS efforts given — as the SDF as a partner. 

My question is: What specific steps are you taking to try to defuse a clash between Turkish-backed elements and the SDF and maintain stability there? 

And also, what message do you have for Jolani and the SDF, given that they have promised protection to minorities and so far appear to have kept those promises to this extent?  Do you have a message to them now about whether you might engage with them in the future, what their role might be in the political process, or some incentive for them to continue to keep their promise in terms of potential U.S. support and international aid if they were to come off the (inaudible) list?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  So, first, we have been in full-spectrum engagement with the Turks.  I think Lloyd Austin spoke to his counterpart today.  Obviously, Bill and his counterpart.  Tony.  Jake.  And I think those have been constructive engagements. 

The focus here is a new Syria and a transition away from Assad.  And building that transition away from Assad, meaning moving from an interim government structure to some sort of transitional council, ultimately to the roadmap that’s outlined in 2254 — I mean, that is our focus.  That is going to take an enormous effort from everybody, and we think that should be the focus of those with an interest in building a better future in Syria.  So that is our primary focus.  Therefore, additional conflicts, additional fronts opening up, not in anybody’s interests.  And so, we’ve been working to defuse some of that. 

But as I mentioned, I think some lines will change as various groups pull out of one area and pull into another area.  Something I think we are working on, on deconflicting and deescalating as best we can.  And that effort is very much ongoing. 

Michael, on HTS, any messages: I just don’t think I’m going to pass any messages through a press backgrounder here, but I just — the point is, we are engaged with everybody, and we have ways to communicate with everybody, and that’s exactly — exactly what we’re doing.  I think, as the President noted, various leaders of rebel groups, including HTS, are saying the right things, but we will be — the importance here: Syria is such a rich, diverse country, and there has to be a role for all minority groups, ethnic groups, and opposition groups need to work together, and commitment to the rule and everything else. 

These are principles we’ve had when it comes to Syria over the last decade across, I think, three administrations.  And so, adhering to those basic principles will be very important to us and something that we will be looking for those with powers on the ground to carry forward, we hope.

MODERATOR:  Next up, we’ll go to David Sanger.

Q    Thanks for doing this.  So, two questions for you.  First, just to follow up on your chemical weapons phrase.  You said that you wanted to make sure that they couldn’t do any damage.  Does that include the possibility that U.S. forces would go on the ground to neutralize any chemical weapons (inaudible) or do that from the air?

And second, tell us a little bit about what you think the fate may be of the Russian bases in Syria, which, for right now, they seem to have pulled back from but we don’t know if they’re going to close.  And similarly, what you think the chances are that this will encourage the Iranians to open a negotiation with the U.S., or, conversely, to race for the bomb. 

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Thanks, David.  On chemical weapons, I don’t think I have too much more to add.  I would not envision a scenario where we have U.S. boots on the ground for such a mission.  I think we have ways to take care of these things.  But it is a primary focus. 

I think, right now, we do not — I think that those and the experts who really know this stuff, looking at it, are fairly confident that it is (inaudible), but we’re — this is why it is a top-tier priority of ours, and making sure that anything with those types of derivatives, which is everything from chlorine to — you know, to far worse, as you know, is destroyed or cared for, or (inaudible).

But I don’t want to talk about hypotheticals of U.S. military engagement.  It’s not something that’s being contemplated right now. 

Again, I can’t speculate on Russian bases.  I think it’s not lost on anybody that the Russians have now announced, I think, that they’ve taken Assad to Moscow.  So, we’ll see what the Syrians who have worked for decades to overthrow the yoke of the Assad regime think about that when it comes to the Russian facilities, but I leave it to the Russians and others to speculate on that. 

Look, on Iran, David, I think as I laid out at the beginning, I just think it is a significant — again, I go back to something the President said early on.  And he said, after October 7th, anyone thinking of taking advantage of this situation after the Hamas attack, don’t.  And Iran made the decision, after October 7th, when much of the world is reacting to horror, and horror to what had happened, they thought there might be some advantage, and they basically turned on a green light for all of its proxy groups to open a multifront war against Israel. 

We made the decision that we’re going to support Israel in defending itself against all of those groups, including from time to time with the use of direct military force, while also being very mindful and careful not to have the United States drawn into a broader Middle East war.  That has been a fixed principle of ours now for, what, 15 months. 

And if you look at where we are now, Iran has effectively lost its main proxy group, Hezbollah.  Hamas has almost — its entire military capacity has been destroyed.  Iran has no strategic air defenses.  Iran cannot produce missiles because of the attacks that Israel conducted about a month ago.  And Israel conducted those attacks in self-defense after Iran chose to launch two historic, massive ballistic missile attacks against Israel that we helped successfully defend with the coalition of partners, as the President laid out. 

So this is just a fundamental change in the equation of the entire Middle East.  I think it is something that will affect Iranian calculations.  Whether that is in the direction of

diplomacy, obviously we’ll have to see.

And I would just say, if they ever were to make another fateful decision, such as moving towards a nuclear weapon, the United States of America will simply never allow that.  And, obviously, I can speak for the Biden administration and President Biden — that’ll never happen on our watch.  And I refer you to the incoming administration.

But we have had good discussions with the incoming administration on these types of issues, and I am fairly confident that they would have the same policy.

MODERATOR:  We have time for a couple more questions.  Next up, we’ll go to Felicia Schwartz.

Q    Hi.  Thank you.  Just going back to HTS, you’ve said several times there’s contact with all Syrian groups.  I’m just wondering how much of a hindrance the U.S. and U.N. designations are to speaking with HTS and Jolani.  And if they are, are you looking at lifting them quickly?

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  I mean, HTS is an umbrella organization, so I think the way that — I’d refer you to my CT experts who’ve kind of done this work.  But the Al-Nusra Front, which was designated I think in 2012, kind of migrated to this broad umbrella collection of groups, HTS.  And then in 2018, HTS was designated. 

So I think it’s a broad kind of kaleidoscope of groups, and I think we have to be smart in how we deal with it, and also very mindful and pragmatic about the realities on the ground. 

All we can say is that HTS is, again, saying the right things so far, doing the right thing.  But they are not the only group.  And there’s a series of opposition groups that came, that reached Damascus from the south.  They’re very different.  We know a lot of them.

But I think — and I think the President spoke to this in his remarks — we are going to be focused on supporting Syrians as they determine their own future.  And that will mean a broad spectrum of Syrian groups and Syrian organizations that take part in this historic transition.  HTS, obviously, will be an important component of that, and I think we will intend to engage with them appropriately and with U.S. interests in mind. 

I just can’t speak to the designation.  Whether or not and how that would be addressed I think is something that we’ll have to look to down the line.  But again, I think what we’ll be looking for in particular is some of the statements that have been made actually putting into action.  I think that would be quite important. 

MODERATOR:  Last question will go to the line of Courtney Kube.

Q    Hi.  Thank you.  Just a couple of very clear ones.  Do you believe Russia that Assad is there?  Do you have any reason to believe that’s not true? 

Foreign terror designation by the U.S. — are you guys going to lift it?  Do you have to lift it now if, in fact, they’re in charge of this country?

And then, the CENTCOM statement says that there were at least 75 strikes, or more than 75 strikes, today to degrade.  And that’s a huge number of strikes.  Can you give us some sort of a characterization of how much that degraded ISIS’s capabilities?  So how much did it degrade their stockpiles, their personnel?  It said it went after leadership.  Did you take out any major leaders?  Any more fidelity on exactly what the strikes did?  Thanks.

SENIOR ADMINISTRATION OFFICIAL:  Yeah, thanks, Courtney.  Look, I think I saw in the wires that Moscow has announced that they have granted asylum to Assad.  So, I’ll let Russia speak to that.  And no reason to doubt that that’s what they say they’ve done.

On HTS, again, I think I’ve answered this question a few times, so I’ll leave it there. 

And on the strikes: Look, ISIS has been trying to reconstitute in this broad area known as the Badiya desert, and we have worked to make sure they cannot do that.  And so, when they try to gather, when they try to train — and we see it, which we do — we take them out.  It’s something we’ve been doing.  There happened to be, over the course of today, a fairly broad gathering.  And again, these are across a fairly broad area.

And I think CENTCOM, at the President’s direction, and the Secretary of Defense — you know, of course, we had an important National Security Council meeting this morning with the President and his national security team — those strikes went forward.

Yeah, but it’s a significant strike, I think just given the collection of ISIS individuals in that area and the size of the area.  So, yes, 75 targets.  I think 140 munitions or so.  I think we had B-52s, F-15s, A-10s. 

I don’t have the assessment yet of the strike, but I assume, as these things go, it was quite successful and significant, because this remains — you know, these guys want to reconstitute.  They’ve been unable to do it.  We have kept pressure on them relentlessly, month after month.  I think it’s been very effective.  And we’re going to make sure that if they think they can seize advantage in this situation, that they can’t. 

And whether it’s HTS or other rebel groups, made very clearly they want nothing to do with ISIS.  That’s absolutely right.  And we maintain — we intend, very much so, to do all we can to continue that pressure and that campaign, which has been incredibly effective here over the years and will continue.

MODERATOR:  Thanks, everyone.  That’s all the time we have for today.  As a reminder, the call was on background and attributable to a senior administration official.  Now that the call has concluded, the embargo is lifted.

Thanks so much for joining, and have a good rest of your day.

3:00 P.M. EST          

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President Biden to Designate Carlisle Federal Indian Boarding School National Monument; Announce Strategy to Preserve and Revitalize Native Languages

Today President Biden will host the fourth and final White House Tribal Nations Summit of the Biden-Harris Administration, reaffirming the Administration’s historic progress on strengthening the Nation-to-Nation relationships with Tribal Nations and cementing its legacy as one of the most supportive Administrations for Tribes ever.

At the Summit, President Biden will announce a new proclamation establishing the Carlisle Federal Indian Boarding School National Monument in Carlisle, Pennsylvania. The new national monument will tell the story of the oppression endured by thousands of Native children and their families at this site and the harmful legacy of the broader Indian boarding school system that the federal government operated or supported across the country for more than 150 years. This action builds on President Biden’s historic Presidential apology and the leadership of Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland to establish and lead research and listening sessions with Tribes and Native communities across the country as part of the Federal Indian Boarding School Initiative.

Respect for Tribal Nations is a cornerstone of the Biden-Harris Administration’s policies for Indian Country – policies that are highlighted at the Summit. In addition to the new national monument designation, the Administration will announce a historic, all-of-government strategy to preserve and revitalize Native languages. The strategy would expand access to immersion language programs in schools, support community-led language education efforts, and promote Native language schools and programs. The Administration will also showcase new initiatives supporting Tribal sovereignty, self-determination, and the federal trust responsibility, while bringing together Tribal leaders and senior administration officials to discuss priorities for Indian Country.

Since taking office, President Biden and Vice President Harris have delivered a record-breaking $45 billion in investments in Indian Country through the Investing in America agenda, transforming infrastructure, expanding healthcare, advancing education, and addressing systemic and historic injustices. Landmark policies and federal action, such as elevating Tribal consultation, investing in developing co-stewardship agreements, elevating the incorporation of Indigenous Knowledge, and implementing government-wide training on Tribal treaty rights and the trust responsibility, have centered Native voices in federal decision-making. From the protection of sacred lands through national monument designations and the conservation of over 45 million acres of lands and waters, to the historic Presidential apology for Federal Indian boarding schools, the Biden-Harris Administration has affirmed its deep respect for Tribes and Native communities.

During the Summit, the Biden-Harris Administration will also release a comprehensive 2024 Progress Report for Tribal Nations, which outlines historic progress the Administration has made over the past year to deliver on the President’s commitment to supporting Indian Country, and to address the top concerns of Tribal communities.

New Administration-wide actions include:

Healing from the Federal Indian Boarding School Era

• Designating the Carlisle Federal Indian Boarding School National Monument. By establishing a new national monument at the site of the former Carlisle Federal Indian Industrial School, President Biden is acknowledging the Federal Indian boarding school era, advancing healing, and commemorating the resilience of Tribal Nations and Indigenous Peoples. For more than 150 years, the Federal Government removed American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian children from their families, Tribes, and homelands – often by force or coercion – and transported them to institutions that aimed to strip them of their languages, religions, and cultures.

From 1879 to when it ceased operations in 1918, the Carlisle School subjected 7,800 children from more than 140 Indian Tribes (including Alaska Native Villages) to its coercive education program. The school served as a model for the Federal Indian boarding school system, which operated throughout the early 19th through mid-20th centuries and comprised over 400 other federally-supported, off-reservation schools across the United States, as well as hundreds of similar institutions operated by religious organizations. At least 973 Native children died in these schools according to available federal records, and the children who survived often endured physical, emotional, and sexual abuse. At Carlisle, school officials forced children to cut their hair, prohibited them from speaking their Native languages, and subjected them to harsh labor.

The new national monument will be located in Carlisle, Pennsylvania on 24.5 acres of what is now the U.S. Army’s Carlisle Barracks, one of the nation’s oldest military installations. The monument boundary encompasses the historic buildings and structures that made up the campus of the Carlisle School – including School Road Gateposts that were built by the labor of Native American children and youth at the school. The gateposts still stand today as a marker of the removal and separation of children from their families, Tribes, and homelands. The monument will be cooperatively managed by the National Park Service and the U.S. Army. The National Park Service, in coordination with the Army, will engage Tribal Nations and the Native Hawaiian Community in development of the management plan and ongoing management of the monument, and provide for Tribal consultation with any federally recognized Tribe with historical connections to any part of the Federal Indian boarding school system to help ensure the national monument tells the full story of this site, similar institutions, and the broader federal Indian boarding school era.

With the establishment of the new national monument, the Army will now transfer administrative jurisdiction over the gateposts to the National Park Service, and the agencies will sign a memorandum of understanding to guide their cooperative management of the national monument. The Carlisle Federal Indian Boarding School National Monument is President Biden’s twelfth use of the Antiquities Act.

Promoting Native Languages

• 10-Year Native Language Revitalization Plan. While there were once hundreds of thriving Native languages in the U.S., over three quarters of the remaining 190 languages spoken today are now endangered. Studies indicate fewer than 20 languages will exist by 2050 if no action is taken. The Departments of the Interior, Education, and Health and Human Services and the White House Council on Native American Affairs are publishing a 10-year National Plan on Native Language Revitalization (Plan) that calls for strategic actions to address the United States government’s historic role in the loss of Native languages across the lower 48 states, Alaska, and Hawai’i. The Plan lays out a long-term, all-of-government strategy that works with Tribal Nations, the Native Hawaiian Community, urban Native communities, Native language experts, schools, community organizations, and the philanthropic sector for the protection, preservation, reclamation and revitalization of Native languages. The Plan’s proposals would: 1) expand access to immersion language environments, 2) support community-led revitalization efforts, and 3) develop, grow and sustain Native language support networks. The Plan also recommends ways to address a chronic under-investment in Native language revitalization to date.

Meeting the Federal Trust Responsibility

• OMB Guidance on Unmet Federal Obligations. OMB’s guidance furthers the goals of Executive Order 14112, which seeks to reform Federal funding to be more consistent with Tribal self-determination and sovereignty. The new guidance supports a comprehensive effort to address chronic underfunding of Tribal programs by calculating unmet federal obligations and developing actionable recommendations for closing funding gaps.

Promoting Understanding of Tribal Consultation and Tribal Treaty Rights and Reserved Rights

• Trainings for Federal Employees on Tribal Consultation and Tribal Treaty and Reserved Rights. The Department of the Interior, Office of Personnel Management, and the Office of Management and Budget, in coordination with the White House Council on Native American Affairs, are releasing trainings available to Federal employees on Tribal consultation and Tribal Treaty and Reserved Rights. These trainings reflect years of Tribal leader input and will assist federal employees across the government in understanding their role in supporting Tribal consultation and the federal trust responsibility to Tribes.
  

Reforming Federal Processes for Tribal Nations

• FEMA Tribal Declarations Interim Guidance. New guidance will streamline the process for Tribal Nations seeking disaster declarations, including reducing minimum damage thresholds, enhancing cost-sharing adjustments, and expanding assistance for Tribal members.

• HHS Tribal Data Access Policy. The new policy establishes clear guidelines and timelines for Tribes and Tribal Epidemiology Centers (TECs) to access critical health data, advancing public health outcomes and addressing data disparities.

Supporting Tribes and Other Communities Considering Voluntary Relocation

• Opportunities for Federal Support of Community-Driven Relocation Report. The Community-Driven Relocation Subcommittee of the National Climate Task Force is releasing the Opportunities for Federal Support of Community-Driven Relocation report, which provides background on voluntary community-driven relocation to avoid climate- and pollution-related hazards, an overview of the current Federal legal and programmatic landscape, and next steps that are available for Federal agencies to support Tribes and other communities contemplating relocation due to severe environmental impact and hazards from climate change. The report recognizes the disproportionate climate-related risks that Tribal communities face and the leadership that Tribal communities have already demonstrated in relocating their communities and partnering with Federal, State, and local governments as well as other partners. An accompanying resource guide will help Tribes and communities identify specific Federal agencies, and programs to support their efforts.

These announcements build upon historic actions by the Biden-Harris Administration to support Tribal Nations and Native communities, which include:

• Historic investments in Tribal Nations, including $32 billion in the American Rescue Plan, the largest direct federal investment to Tribal Nations in history; $13 billion in the Bipartisan Infrastructure Law; and over $700 million in the Inflation Reduction Act.

• Signing two Presidential Memoranda directing federal agencies to submit plans of action to implement meaningful consultation with Tribal Nations and establishing uniform standards for Tribal Consultation.

• Historic appointments of Native Americans across the Administration, including Secretary of the Interior Deb Haaland and over 80 Native Americans in senior Administration roles.

• Re-launching the Tribal Nations Summit and re-establishing the White House Council on Native American Affairs that serves to foster an all-of-government approach to coordinating and developing Tribal policy.

• Signing an Executive Order to improve public safety and criminal justice and address the crisis of Missing and Murdered Indigenous People (MMIP) by directing agencies to prioritize addressing this crisis and assessing what more can be accomplished.
  
• Signing an Executive Order to improve educational outcomes and career opportunities for Native American students by focusing on systemic barriers, increasing access to high-quality education, and fostering economic empowerment.

• Securing the first-ever advance appropriations for the Indian Health Service, which provides long-overdue funding stability and predictability for IHS.

• Signing a Presidential Memorandum to Restore Healthy and Abundant Native Fish Populations in the Columbia River, which supports cultural and spiritual practices, commerce, and economic growth for Tribes.

• Authoring the first-of-its-kind government-wide Indigenous Knowledge guidance that assists federal agencies in recognizing and including Indigenous Knowledge in Federal research, policy, and decision making.

• Restoring protections for the Grand Staircase-Escalante and Bear Ears National Monuments in Utah, and designating and expanding the following national monuments that hold significance to Tribal Nations: Avi Kwa Ame in Nevada; Castner Range in Texas; Baaj Nwaavjo I’tah Kukveni Ancestral Footprints of the Grand Canyon in Arizona; and Berryessa Snow Mountain and San Gabriel Mountains National Monuments in California.

• Increasing Tribal Co-Stewardship of Lands and Waters through historic co-stewardship agreements. During the Biden-Harris Administration, the Departments of the Interior, Agriculture and Commerce have signed 400 co-stewardship agreements with Tribes, Alaska Native Corporations, and consortiums.

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The post FACT SHEET: Biden-Harris Administration Announces New Actions and Historic Progress Supporting Tribal Nations and Native Communities Ahead of Fourth Annual White House Tribal Nations Summit appeared first on The White House.

East Room

5:03 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, hello, hello. (Applause.) Welcome to your house. I know that guy.

Please have a seat.

Thank you so much.

Well, welcome to — to the White House. Good evening to all of you, and I’m delighted to have you here.

And thank you, Kennedy Center President Deborah Rutter. Deborah, where are — where’s Deborah? Stand up. Let everybody know who you are. (Applause.)

To the board chairman, one of the most generous people — men I’ve ever known on everything that’s in need — a friend of mine, David Rubenstein. David, stand up. (Applause.)

When I was getting set up in the — in the president’s suite upstairs where we sleep, I — my — I s- — my brother was saying, “Look, you want to be able to see from your desk — you want to be able to see Rubenstein.” I said, “I beg your pardon?” He said, “The Washington Memorial.” (Laughter.) This guy rebuilt the sucker. (Laughter.) I’m serious. God love you. You’re the best, David. You are.

And thanks to all of you, especially this year’s Kennedy Center honorees.

Folks, for Jill and me — and Jill is not here. She’ll be o- — make it over to the event tonight. But Jill has been dealing with women’s — equality for women’s health research, and she just got back from Abu Dhabi and all — all through Africa and ended up — although, she did go spend a little time in Sicily, because — (laughter) — just a — just a day or so to meet her great-great-grandmothers — parents.

She made fun of me going back on the Irish, you know? (Laughter.) Pat — but I tell you what, I don’t screw around when she’s — gets her Irish — when she gets her Italian up, I don’t mess with her. (Laughter.)

But anyway, you’ll all see her tonight. She’s very mu- — she’s up changing. She just — her plane landed, I don’t know, about an hour and a half ago, two hours ago.

For Jill and me and for Kamala and Doug, this is one of the favorite events at the White House, and I mean that sincerely. And I did it when I was vice president. Did it when I was a senator, as I could.

All around us, we see the power of art and imagination –(coughs) — excuse me for my voice — to capture the spirit of this holiday season, to capture faith. You know, it’s — which is the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen.

Folks, we see the power of the arts everywhere — everywhere.

A few days ago, I returned from a trip to Angola in southwestern Africa. Historians believe people of Angola account for a significant number of all enslaved people shipped to the United States. I’m the first president to ever visit there.

Today, millions of African Americans have Angolan ancestry.

I spoke at their National Slavery Museum, where, over 100 [400] years ago, enslaved Angolans were baptized into a faith that was foreign to them. Their names were changed against their will. They — they — you know, they c- — and — and they were condemned to a slave ship, bound for what was referred to as the Middle Passage. I saw the artifacts, the shackles, the whips that tortured their bodies.

I also saw something else. I saw folk instruments Angolans used to share their strength and hope and persevere — instruments like those we h- — that they would take all the way across the Atlantic to help them lay the foundation for Black folk music in America. It’s really remarkable how much music has played a role in everything.

Throughout our nation’s history, artists in America have used their talents to inspire and empower, to overcome, to challenge power freely and without fear, and to be a link in memory between the past and the future — it matters — to be the spark to make history and to ensure history is never erased. We have too many people trying to erase history instead of wr- — write history. That power of art is everywhere.

And in America, our freedom of expression sets us apart. Other nations were founded on ethnicity, religion, geography. We’re the only nation in the world — major nation — founded on an idea — an idea, literally — an idea. That idea was we’re all created equal and deserve to be treated equally throughout our lives.

We’ve never fully lived up to that idea, but we’ve never walked away from it either.

In America, artists have made sure we never will. And that’s what we celebrate tonight.

Raised in Queens, New York, the grandson of Italian immigrants, Francis Ford Coppola was once a nine-year-old boy homebound with polio. But with a tape recorder and a camera by his side, his imagination took seed.

Over six decades, he would write, direct, and produce over 70 films, both sweeping epics and deeply personal stories, taking big swings to explore who we are as a nation and who we are as human beings: “Patton,” “The Godfather,” “Apocalypse Now,” “Dracula.” Five Oscars. Fourteen nominations.

Mentoring fellow filmmakers and partnering with his good friend, George Lucas, to pioneer innovations in filmmaking.

Fostering talent before they were stars, like previous Kennedy Center honorees who are here tonight. Robert De Niro. Robert, stand up. I’m a big fan, man. I want everybody to see you. (Applause.) If I get in trouble, I’m coming to you, pal. (Laughter.)

Well, Francis, I’m looking for work in February, so — (laughter) — maybe you’ve got something for me and a Biden-De Niro combination here. (Laughter.) I can’t sing. I can’t act. I can’t dance to a damn thing, but I — I can help you. (Laughter.)

Above all, Francis is about family. He’s joined us tonight by his children and grandchildren, who are making their own mark on American cinema.

For a storied career of independent vision, I say congratulations, Francis, and thank you — thank you, thank you, thank you — for all you’ve done, pal. (Applause.)

Formed in the San Francisco Bay at an inflection point in history, the Grateful Dead have long since transcended 1960 counterculture. Technical virtuosos fiercely dedicated to their craft, they fo- — fused decades and dozens of musical styles to create a willowy new American sound — experimental, innovative, and brave.

Their lyrics tell the story of dreamers and rebels. Their iconic jams are just a performance — they’re not just that, but they’re an ongoing conversation with generations of devoted fans. Hundreds and hundreds of songs. Recorded 59 of top 40 albums — 59. Twenty-three hundred concerts, from Woodstock to Egypt’s Great Pyramids. One of the most popular bands ever to be watched live in concert.

Look, and there’s still a lot of Deadheads around. (Laughter.) (Points at himself.) (Applause.)

No two performances even the same, but their spirit and joy is enduring.

Tonight, we honor Bobby, Bill, and Mickey. Guys, raise your hand. (Applause.)

And we remember those lost (inaudible) along the way, like Ron; Phil, whose grandson, Grahame, is here tonight; and, of course, Jerry Garcia, whose daughter, Trixie, is here. Trixie, where are you? Stand up, Trixie. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, the Grateful Dead. (Applause.)

My youngest granddaughter said, “Pop, what’s the Dead?” I said, “I beg your pardon?” “What’s the Gwateful Dead, Pop?” (Pronounced in an impression of a young child.) (Laughter.)

Anyway, joining them here tonight is another California native, Bonnie Raitt: born and raised in Burbank, the daughter of a famed Broadway singer, accomplished piano player with two musical — (applause) — two musical brothers. Eight-year-old Bonnie got her first guitar as a Christmas gift. The rest is history. Thank you, Santa. Thank you, Santa. (Laughter.)

Over the last 50 years — she’s only 50 now — 13 Grammy awards, 31 nominations. More Grammy performances than any woman in American history. (Applause.)

An inductee to the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, her music defies genre and blends music of folk, country, rock, and pop.

You know, with infectious beats and soulful lyrics, her sound carries through the highs and the lows of life: time — time and trust, heartbreak and hope, love and loss. That’s Bonnie helping us find healing and light and purpose within and beyond music. One of the all-time greats that inspires fans and follows [fellow] music- — musicians alike.

And I tell you, Bonnie, you’ve had an — fro- — an incredible impact. So, Bonnie, thank you for all you’ve done, not just your music, kid. (Applause.)

When Bonnie picked up that guitar at eight years old in California, there was a young boy more than 2,000 miles away in Cuba. Born to a mechanic and a homemaker, raised in a home with a dirt floor, Arturo Sandoval was 10 years old when he picked up the trumpet, under a communist regime that controlled everything from where people could travel to where — what they could read. His musical talent was undeniable and uncontrollable.

While jazz was thriving in the United States, he spent three months in jail — three months in jail for listening to American legends on the radio. At great risk to he and his family, they fled Cuba for America to live in the land of the free and share his own jazz sounds for the entire world.

Thirty-three albums, 10 Grammys, and an Emmy and the Medal of Freedom — Arturo’s story is the American story: a nation of immigrants, a nation of dreamers, a nation of freedom.

Congratulations, Arturo. God love you. (Applause.) I mean it.

Few places in America captured the essence of freedom more than the Apollo Theater. You know, you walk through those doors of 125th Street in Harlem, New York — you walk into American history. You literally walk into American history.

Opened in the ‘30s as a refuge for Black patrons and performers in a segregated America. Over the next 90 years, it became the birthplace of Black expression — home for the hopeful, school for stars in music, dance, comedy, acting, and so much more, including former Kennedy Center honorees Ella Fitzgerald, James Brown, Gladys Knight, Stevie Wonder. The list goes on.

You know, when there were few places to go, there was “Showtime at the Apollo” — “Showtime at the Apollo.” A big stage, a boisterous crowd, a beacon of what’s possible, shaping a fearless future of equality and inclusion in the nation — you know, one where Black excellence is celebrated, not denied. Reminding us all that Black history is American history, for God’s sake. Black culture is American culture.

For the first time, the Kennedy Center is bestowing this honor to an institution and not an — an individual. For — thank you, Apollo Theater. Thank you, thank you, thank you. (Applause.) Thank you.

Let me close with this. It’s been the honor of my life to serve as your president. And for the final time, Jill and I are honored to represent the presidency, to recognize and respect the power of the arts to literally redeem the soul of the nation, because that’s what you’ve done so many times: redeem the soul of the nation.

So, congratulations on our — to — on our honorees, to your families. I look forward to tonight’s show.

God bless you all. And may God protect our troops. Thank you, thank you, thank you. (Applause.)

5:16 P.M. EST

The post Remarks by President Biden at the 2024 Kennedy Center Honorees Reception appeared first on The White House.

The Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Simi Valley, California

MS. BREAM:  And thank you, Jake.  I’m glad you made it here this year.  I know you’ve had to cancel in the past, and it’s a very busy time, so we appreciate your time that you were able to make it here today. 

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, thank you for having me. 

MS. BREAM:  Okay, so let’s start with the headlines.  Obviously, minute by minute, there are new advances by rebel forces in Syria.  Did the administration see this coming?  Assad doesn’t seem to have the support he would have 10 years ago from the likes of Russia and Hezbollah and Iran, who have been weakened.  What’s your take on the current state?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, it’s important to start by observing why this is happening, and it’s really happening for two reasons. 

First, Assad has been brutal and repressive to his own people and totally intransigent in terms of actually trying to provide a better life or better future for the people of Syria, and so the people of Syria are fed up. 

Second, Assad’s backers — Iran, Russia, and Hezbollah — have all been weakened and distracted, and so he has not had the support from those three actors that he expected to be able to count on, and has been left basically naked.  His forces are hollowed out. 

And so, while we saw preparations for a rebel offensive, the speed and scale of it and the fact that it’s moving so rapidly through the country, this is a feature of having lost the support of these backers, because each of them — Iran having been exposed and weakened; Hezbollah having been badly degraded by Israel; and Russia being ground down in a war of attrition in the east in Ukraine — none of them are prepared to provide the kind of support to Assad that they provided in the past.  So here we are. 

MS. BREAM:  So the primary group leading the insurgence has been classified as a terrorist group by the U.S.  How worried are you about what comes next?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, it is a source of concern.  I mean, this is a group, HTS, that has been designated by terrorist — as a terrorist organization by the United States, that has had elements affiliated with groups that have American blood on their hands. 

We really think that there are three things we have to be particularly focused on. 

One, that the fighting in Syria not lead to the resurgence of ISIS.  And we are going to take steps ourselves directly, and working with the Syrian Democratic Forces, the Kurds, to ensure that does not happen. 

Two, that our friends in the region — Israel, Jordan, Iraq, others who border Syria, or who would potentially face spillover effects from Syria — are strong and secure, and we’re in touch with them every day. 

And three, that this not lead to a humanitarian catastrophe, both in terms of civilians’ access to lifesaving necessities and in terms of the protection of religious and ethnic minorities in Syria. 

And we’re going to work with all the players in the region to try to make sure that we are accomplishing those three goals which are in the interests and consistent with the values of the United States.

MS. BREAM:  Of course there’s a lot of instability in the region, so how worried are you about this spilling over the borders?  You mentioned those bordering countries there.

MR. SULLIVAN:  It is a concern.  I mean, we’ve seen, obviously over the course of the Syrian civil war, spillovers and refugee flows.  And at its worst, we saw the explosion of ISIS onto the scene, which not only led to the fall of cities in Syria, but the fall of cities in Iraq and pressure on some of our closest partners in the region. 

So, whether it’s from the border with Jordan to the Golan Heights, to trying to maintain a fragile ceasefire in Lebanon, to that long border between Syria and Iraq, these are all areas that we have to pay close attention to, that we have to coordinate closely with our friends on, and stay vigilant to try to ensure that we contain the potential violence and instability, that we protect our friends, and that we ensure that ISIS not get new oxygen out of this that could lead them to become a greater threat to the United States or our friends. 

MS. BREAM:  What about our troops in the region, the impact on them?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So, we have a presence, both in Iraq and in Syria.  That presence in Syria is there to work hand in hand with local partners, to continue to suppress the threat that ISIS has posed, going back many years now.  And we’ve had significant progress in that fight, just even in the last few months.  Major players taken off the battlefield.  Large-scale degradation of those ISIS forces. 

But of course, an event like this happens, and ISIS immediately looks to take advantage.  And we have seen reports of ISIS trying, out in the Syrian Badiya, the desert, to try to reconstitute to a certain extent. 

So we will continue to take action against that.  And we will continue to make sure that force protection, the protection of our service members who are serving at a range of bases in eastern Syria, is the paramount concern from the President on down. 

Now, the threat to those service members is not just from ISIS or from this violence; it is also from Iranian-backed Shia militia groups who themselves could try to take advantage of this. 

And so, we are also doing what we believe we need to do to prepare for, deter, and protect against any potential attacks from that group of actors, which, of course, we have seen over the course of the past few years, and which we, under the Biden administration, have responded to at several points with direct strikes against those forces, both in Syria and in Iraq. 

MS. BREAM:  So, a lot of the conversation this week is about the transition to a new administration, a second Trump administration.  He’s weighed in on social media, as he often likes to do.  I’ll get you to the all-caps part of this post in which he says, “THE UNITED STATES SHOULD HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH IT.  THIS IS NOT OUR FIGHT.  LET IT PLAY OUT.  DO NOT GET INVOLVED!” 

So, you’ve referenced ways that we could be aware and preparing for the situation, responding as we can.  But what is our role, or isn’t our role, with regard to Syria?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, first I would note — and I was a little bit struck by it — earlier in the post, he said part of the reason this is happening is because of Russia’s war against Ukraine.  And I think he even referenced the sheer scale of the casualties that Russia has suffered in Ukraine, and for that reason, they’re not in a position to defend their client, Assad.  And on that point, we’re in vigorous agreement. 

Equally, the United States is not going to dive into the middle — militarily dive into the middle of a Syrian civil war.  What we are going to do is focus on the American national security priorities and interests.  And I name the three of them that I see. 

The first, critically, is: Do not let this allow for the resurgence of ISIS.  And we are going to take steps to make sure that that happens.  That’s not about the move down the highway from Hama to Homs to Damascus.  That’s about what’s happening out in the east, and we will remain critically focused on it. 

Second, we do have a profound interest in shoring up the security of our partners, and we’ll — in the region: Israel, Jordan, Iraq, others.  We’ll do that. 

And third, we will attend to the humanitarian situation because we believe that we have an obligation to do that.  And frankly, attending to the humanitarian situation, defending religious and ethnic minorities, that was a feature of the Obama policy in Syria, the Trump policy in Syria, the Biden policy in Syria, and I would expect that to continue as well. 

MS. BREAM:  So, it’s a very long post, but you mentioned his wording here about the loss of 600,000 soldiers for Russia and how they’re stretched very thin and tied up in other areas. 

He also, though, in this post, not in all caps, says, “This is where former President Obama refused to honor his commitment of protecting the RED LINE IN THE SAND, and all hell broke out,” and that’s when Russia stepped in.  You were part of that administration.  So how do you respond to that?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, first, I think, you know, going back to the entire set of events that unfolded in Syria, from the outbreak of the civil war through to the Russian involvement, an incredibly complex set of factors came into play.  No one thing led from point A to point B. 

Equally, President Obama made clear he did not want to see the United States directly militarily involved in the middle of the civil war.  That is precisely what President Trump is saying at the end of his post today.  So it seems to me that on that point they agree.

Ultimately, the future of Syria should be up to the Syrian people.  That has been true from the moment this civil war broke out.  It’s been true across multiple administrations. 

What is amazing about the moment we find ourselves in right now, though, is that Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia are all in a position of relative weakness in the Middle East.  And our core security partner in the region, Israel, is in a position of relative strength in the region.  And we believe that the United States has taken steps over the course of the past year, through military deployments, through diplomacy, and through engagement with all of our partners that have helped to bring about this set of conditions. 

Now, there are positives in that, and there are risks in that, and we’ve just talked about some of those risks.  So what we have to do is try to take advantage of those positives and manage those risks as best as we can through a handoff back to the Trump administration in just a few weeks’ time that’s got to be as seamless as possible.  And for that reason, I’m in contact with my successor.  Our Middle East team is in contact with their successors to make sure that we have transparency, coordination, and that the baton gets passed smoothly, because we don’t want to miss anything between January 19th and January 21st.

MS. BREAM:  How is that going, the coordination between incoming and outgoing?

MR. SULLIVAN:  It has been professional, it has been substantive, and frankly, it has been good.  Obviously, we don’t see eye to eye on every issue, and that’s no secret to anybody.  But there is a deep conviction on the part of the incoming national security team that we are dealing with — including my successor, and, on our part, directed from President Biden — that it is our job, on behalf of the American people, to make sure this is a smooth transition.  And we are committed to discharging that duty as relentlessly and faithfully as we possibly can. 

That’s true in every transition, but I think it’s more true in this transition because you have a war in Ukraine that requires a very smooth handoff, you have the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East that require a very smooth handoff, and then, frankly, you have the continuing pacing challenge of China and events unfolding there on a day-to-day basis that requires smooth handoff.

So, the nature of the world we find ourselves in today only elevates our responsibility to be engaged, to talk regularly, to meet regularly, to be transparent, to share, and to make sure it’s an effective transition.  And we are doing all we can to live up to that responsibility.

MS. BREAM:  So, you know, Reagan does a national defense survey every year where they ask people about a lot of these really pressing topics.  In one of them, they were asked about the increased economic and military cooperation between Iran, Russia, North Korea, and China.  Eighty-six percent of Americans have significant concerns about that. 

So how do you answer critics who say this alliance of bad guys has actually gotten tighter and, you know, in a way, more solidified under this administration?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, look, I think there is no doubt that there is increasing alignment among these four actors.  That is true.  And it’s something actually I’ve spoken about, we’ve pointed out.  We have a national security memorandum that we are in the closing phases of pulling together that is memorializing the work we have done within the U.S. government over the course of the past four years, across defense, diplomacy, development, all aspects of American power, to deal with what is an emerging reality. 

But why has this happened?  It has not happened because these countries are so strong.  It has happened out of necessity because these countries are under pressure. 

Russia, under pressure in Ukraine, had to turn to Iran for munitions and North Korea for personnel. 

Iran, under pressure, tried to turn to Russia to get help because its attacks against Israel were defeated and its own air defenses were badly degraded. 

And so — and if you look at China, when we came into this administration, the prevailing storyline was: China will surpass the United States in economic strength by the end of this decade.  Now there’s a lot of people who say it will never happen.  When we came into this administration, serious people said China is going to dominate the future of AI.  Now that script has been flipped. 

So, you look at these countries and the relative challenges that they are facing, all four of them, and then you look on the other side of the ledger at America’s alliances, and they have never been stronger.  NATO is bigger, more unified, more purposeful than ever before, and NATO Allies are paying their fair share.  When we came into office, nine NATO Allies were paying 2 percent; now it’s 23.  And the remaining nine have all committed to get to 2 percent and have a path to do it. 

You look at the Indo-Pacific.  We’ve started AUKUS.  We’ve elevated and institutionalized the Indo-Pacific Quad.  Our alliances with Japan and Korea are at an all-time high, and our trilateral cooperation with Japan and Korea is at an all-time high.  And you just saw the resilience of South Korean democracy after this declaration of martial law and its retraction by President Yoon.

India, the Philippines, Vietnam — we have new partnerships that are dynamic and effective. 

So, on the one hand, you’ve got the American alliance system and the free world strong, vibrant, coordinated, organized.  On the other hand, you do have this increase in convergence, but among a group of actors that is facing serious challenges, serious pressures, and serious strategic dilemmas.  And even within that group, this Russia-North Korea cooperation is not something that sits very well in Beijing.  So there are internal contradictions that are problematic on their side of the ledger that we will continue to look at and see how we can deal with from a strategic perspective going forward. 

The final point I will make: If you look at the hand we are passing off in terms of just the basic foundation of American power at home, our economic and technological engine, arresting the slide in our defense industrial base, diversifying and making more resilient our supply chains — these are steps where we feel that the United States has a foundation of national power domestically that is healthy and strong at a time when the Russian economy, the Chinese economy, and the Iranian economy are all in various states of disrepair. 

So, for all of these reasons, it’s a challenging world.  It’s a complex world.  The post-Cold War era is over.  A strategic competition is underway to determine what comes next.  But America has a good hand to play, and it is a hand that we believe we have made stronger when we pass it off to the next administration. 

MS. BREAM:  I want to go back to Iran, since there’s some news this week.  An intelligence report out from the DNI office this week says that they now have enough fissile material to make more than a dozen nuclear weapons.  And so, when you talk about them being worsened, there are critics who will say sanctions waivers, unfreezing assets and giving them access to that.  It was a top Treasury Department official, Wally Adeyemo, who himself said that if they get their hands on cash, they’re going to use it for nefarious reasons, admitting things are fungible.  And that — you know, the Reagan Defense Survey also shows Americans think it is time for us to actually get tougher with Iran and that this administration hasn’t been tough enough. 

MR. SULLIVAN:  What I find odd about that argument is Iran’s major proxy in the region, Hezbollah, is absolutely weakened, shattered.  Iran’s own capacity to project conventional military capacity in the region has been exposed and defeated directly by the United States, working with Israel and other countries.  Iran’s economy is in absolute shambles, and Iran is nowhere to be found in defending its main client state, Assad, as rebels take city after city on the way to Damascus.

So, is Iran in good shape?  I would say they are not.  Has American policy over the course of the past four years and over the course of the past year contributed to the circumstances Iran finds itself in?  I would submit to you that it has.

Now, the nuclear program in Iran remains a source of immense concern.  President Biden made the same commitment President Trump made and President Obama made, that we will never allow to get Iran a nuclear weapon.  That is a promise we intend to keep till every last day in our administration, and I presume the incoming administration will also do what is necessary. 

They have advanced their nuclear program.  They’ve done so because the nuclear deal that was in place that put enormous restraint on the program was removed by the last administration, and because we haven’t been willing to just lift sanctions to get back into it.  In fact, we have not lifted sanctions.  We’ve imposed more sanctions on Iran over the course of the past four years. 

The Middle East right now is in a period of considerable transformation.  But one thing is for sure: Iran is in a weaker state today than they were when we took office, and that creates both opportunities, but it also does create risks, including the need for us to continue to constrain and deter their move should they choose to make it as a matter of policy towards a nuclear

weapon.

MS. BREAM:  But to be clear, there were some sanctions waivers. 

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, for example, we did authorize the movement of $6 billion for humanitarian purchases, which was a policy of the previous administration that money in certain bank accounts could be spent down by Iran for food, medicine, and other approved humanitarian transactions.  We used that same mechanism that Secretary Pompeo put into place as part of a deal to get American citizens who had been held for years — predating our own administration — in Iran, in part because some of those Americans were getting — were facing significant health challenges.  After October 7th, we froze that.  So those $6 billion were frozen in Qatar; have not, in fact, been used. 

But this President has shown a willingness to take tough decisions to get Americans home.  He stands by those decisions.  And in this case, we actually ended up freezing the $6 billion in place in Qatar.

MS. BREAM:  I want to give you a chance to respond to a critic from within your own party.  This comes from Senator Chris Van Hollen.  He says, in an op-ed piece in The Washington Post, “Nothing will haunt President Joe Biden’s foreign policy legacy as much as his failed policies in the Middle East.  For too long, President Biden has been unwilling to uphold our values and enforce our interests in the Middle East.”  What do you say to him?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, the main point that he was making in that op-ed was that we should have cut off weapons from Israel because of what they were doing in Gaza.  That’s his view.  I would guess that there are many people in this audience who would take the exact opposite view and say, “Actually, the problem with the Biden administration was you paused the 2,000-pound bombs because you were worried about their use in densely populated civilian areas.  You shouldn’t have done that.” 

So we have critics on one side saying you should have cut off weapons — the Van Hollen argument; critics on the other side who said — or you should have cut off all offensive weapons.  Critics on the other side who say you shouldn’t have cut off or paused any shipments of any particular munition.  And this is faced with a very difficult situation where we are going to back our partner to the hill to take out a murderous terrorist organization like Hamas, but we also care about protecting civilians and the humanitarian situation in Gaza. 

We chose a course of making sure Israel had what it needed to beat its enemies, backed up by American power, including American aircraft carriers, fighter squadrons, and other capabilities in the region.  But we were going to take certain steps, like saying, “You do not need to drop 2,000-pound bombs in densely populated areas because you are going to kill too many civilians, and you can take out the terrorists without them,” which Israel has. 

That’s the position we’ve taken.  That’s going to draw criticism.  We’re willing to take that criticism because we believe that we have alighted on a course that has stood up for our ally, has stood against our common enemies, and at the same time has done our best to alleviate the humanitarian suffering in Gaza. 

MS. BREAM:  What’s the latest on negotiations over a ceasefire and getting the hostages out?  Are you hopeful that will help — that will happen on the Biden administration watch, before January 20th?

MR. SULLIVAN:  I have now learned not to use the word “hopeful” and “Middle East” in the same sentence.  (Laughter.)  So, I will not do that.

There are ongoing talks.  We are going to use every day we have an office to try to get a ceasefire and hostage deal in place.  I meet regularly with the families of the American hostages, both those still living and those who have tragically — either were killed on October 7th or, like Hersh, were murdered, gunned down in tunnels during the conflict in Gaza. 

It is just a paramount priority of ours to make this happen, to get this in place.  We’re coordinating with the incoming team on it.  We’re coordinating with the Israelis on it.  I can’t make any predictions about whether it will or won’t happen.  I can only tell you that we’re going to use every ounce of effort and every last hour to see — to try to push this across the finish line.

MS. BREAM:  So when people were asked here in the survey, Reagan Defense Survey, what’s the biggest threat to the U.S., they far and away had China as the number one on that list, followed by Russia, North Korea, and then Iran.  How would you assess that?  Does that line up with what the Biden administration thinks the current threat assessment is?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well — and I think you heard this from Secretary Austin — China is the pacing challenge and threat to the United States for a very simple reason: It’s the only power with the capacity and, frankly, the aim of displacing the United States as the world’s leading military, economic, technological, and diplomatic power.  And we are determined to make sure that never happens. 

And I think if you rack and stack where we are today from where we were four years ago, the picture looks strong from the point of view of the United States’ leadership position in the world, the health of our alliance systems, the health of our economy, the health of our technological advantage, and increasingly, the health of our military capacity, including in areas like the submarine industrial base, which we’ve invested heavily in after decades of decline in that capability, and also bringing new concepts to the fore, like AUKUS. 

So, I think China is the challenge of the next quarter century.  It is a challenge we are prepared for and a challenge that I will be proud to hand off to the next team a strategy that we have been executing against, I think quite effectively, so that America is in a position to succeed in that competition.

MS. BREAM:  Second on the list was Russia.  And of course, with Ukraine, there’s a lot of polling information, too, from the survey about that.  How people think this will end: The largest group said that Russia is going to take some territory from Ukraine, and that’s going to be part of wrapping it up.  What do you think?  How does it come together to an end?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, President Zelenskyy himself has said that this war has to end at the negotiating table, and our job has been to try to put Ukraine in the strongest possible position on the battlefield so that it’s in the strongest possible position at the negotiating table.  And that has required us to mobilize the largest effort of security assistance since the Second World War and flow massive quantities of munitions to Ukraine. 

And they are taking that fighting courageously, innovating themselves, particularly in the drone space.  I cannot predict exactly how the war will end, nor can I dictate to President Zelenskyy or the Ukrainians how it should end.  Our job is to take that 50-nation coalition of countries that we built from scratch and continue to surge capability until we’re out of here. 

And President Biden has directed me, and I have directed all of our agencies in our national security enterprise, to do a massive surge of assistance and to up the economic pressure on Russia.  And if you look at Russia’s economy right now, just in the last few weeks, you’ve seen the warning bells begin ringing much more strongly, and Russia really has mortgaged its economic future.  All of this can help build the kind of pressure that can be put to bear at the negotiating table to generate an outcome consistent with Ukraine’s future as a sovereign, free, independent state that can deter future aggression, backed by its partners like the United States. 

MS. BREAM:  Okay.  And one last chance to answer some critics — again, from your own party — with respect to Ukraine.

Top Democrats like Senators Coons and Blumenthal, Congressman Gregory Meeks over on the House side, they disagreed with hesitation, they say, from the White House, first to provide equipment or materials, but then to limit the use of it.  They say it’s been too little too late with respect to Ukraine.  How do you answer that critique?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, first, I very much respect the bipartisan support from the Congress.  But we have spent every dollar that Congress has given to us, and we’ve been waiting for Congress to give us more money, not the other way around. 

So the idea of too little too late, we have surged everything that we’ve had forward.  Now, there are certain capabilities that people have —

MS. BREAM:  The limitations on weapons.

MR. SULLIVAN:  — have mentioned.  I’d identify two that our military raised questions about whether the limited dollars that we had should be spent on them.  One was Abrams tanks.  The other was F-16s. 

When it comes to Abrams tanks, we have sent Abrams tanks to Ukraine.  Those Abram tanks units are actually undermanned because it’s not the most useful piece of equipment for them in this fight, exactly as our military said.  When it comes to F-16s, President Biden authorized the sending of F-16s to Ukraine last May.  It’s now December of 2024, and we’ve had a limited number of pilots train not because we’re not prepared to train them — we are, as many as possible — but because the Ukrainians do not have the pilots to be able to build a full F-16 capability in time. 

So I think this focus on these types of capabilities misses the point, which is this war is about munitions.  And we have surged munitions to an unbelievable degree, as fast as humanly possible.  Air defense capabilities.  And we have gone so far as to take the extraordinary step of asking everyone who buys air defense from the United States: Wait in line; we’re sending it all to Ukraine. 

These were not things that Congress or critics asked of us.  These are things we developed and we did. 

Third was making sure they had cluster munitions and now land mines so they could defend their territory effectively.  Again, critical capabilities they need that we generated; not something that we were being told by critics or Congress or anyone else to do, but stuff we went and did, with some controversy. 

And then finally, on the question of ATACMS long-range strike: The issue there has always been both the size of the U.S. arsenal, the shot volume capable, and here too, when we were able to develop a sufficient number of these to send, we sent them for their use.  And then, when the Russians took certain actions, we authorized their use inside Russian territory, which has happened now. 

But I would just say to everyone: Anyone who thinks that is a silver bullet for this war does not understand what is happening in this war.  It is not a silver bullet.  It’s one additional capability.  But where this war is really being fought is on basic munitions and then the question of manpower, which is something Ukraine has been trying to surge over the course of the past few months. 

At the end of the day, I think when history actually records what we have done predating the war, building the supply line and capacity; what Secretary Austin has done, building the UDCG, 50 nations flowing munitions in; and how we have been able to execute that over the last two and a half years, it is an extraordinary feat of logistics, production capacity, and delivery capability from the United States. 

And first reason Ukraine is where it is is because of the bravery of the Ukrainians.  Second reason is because of the munitions provided by the United States of America.  And I’m damn proud of what we have done to help Ukraine stand up for its freedom. 

MS. BREAM:  Well, in the midst of all of that — (applause) — yes — thank you for taking a break from all of that.  You’re never really taking a break — for giving us a few minutes.  So I’ll leave you with one last question.  What are you looking forward to most as a semi-retired — I don’t know — a congressional spouse?

MR. SULLIVAN:  (Laughs.)  I think I get a pin, actually. 

MS. BREAM:  Oh, okay.

MR. SULLIVAN:  Which would be cool if that’s true.  I’m not actually sure if that’s true or not.

But mainly I’m looking forward to sleeping.  (Laughter.) MS. BREAM:  That’s true.  Well, thank you for taking a break from all of that, and your nap, for us.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

The post Remarks by APNSA Jake Sullivan at the 2024 Reagan National Defense Forum appeared first on The White House.

Today, President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. made additional disaster assistance available to the Commonwealth of Virginia by authorizing an increase in the level of Federal funding for debris removal undertaken in the Commonwealth as a result of Tropical Storm Helene.

Under the President’s order today, Federal funds for debris removal, including direct Federal assistance has been increased to 100 percent of the total eligible costs for a period of 120 days of the Commonwealth’s choosing within the first 180 days from the start of the incident period on September 25.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION MEDIA SHOULD CONTACT THE FEMA NEWS DESK AT (202) 646-3272 OR FEMA-NEWS-DESK@FEMA.DHS.GOV.

The post President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. Amends Virginia Major Disaster Declaration appeared first on The White House.

Today, President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. made additional disaster assistance available to the State of Florida by authorizing an increase in the level of Federal funding for debris removal and emergency protective measures undertaken in the State of Florida as a result of Hurricane Milton.

Under the President’s order today, Federal funds for debris removal and emergency protective measures, including direct Federal assistance has been increased to 100 percent of the total eligible costs for a period of 120 days of the State’s choosing within the first 180 days from the start of the incident period on October 5.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION MEDIA SHOULD CONTACT THE FEMA NEWS DESK AT (202) 646-3272 OR FEMA-NEWS-DESK@FEMA.DHS.GOV.

The post President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. Amends Florida Major Disaster Declaration appeared first on The White House.

Today, President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. made additional disaster assistance available to the State of Florida by authorizing an increase in the level of Federal funding for debris removal and emergency protective measures undertaken in the State of Florida as a result of Hurricane Helene.

Under the President’s order today, Federal funds for debris removal and emergency protective measures, including direct Federal assistance, has been increased to 100 percent of the total eligible costs for a period of 120 days of the State’s choosing within the first 180 days from the start of the incident period on September 23.

FOR FURTHER INFORMATION MEDIA SHOULD CONTACT THE FEMA NEWS DESK AT (202) 646-3272 OR FEMA-NEWS-DESK@FEMA.DHS.GOV.

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Roosevelt Room

1:39 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon.  A lot happening in the Middle East.

After 13 years of civil war in Syria and more than half a century of brutal authoritarian rule by Bashar Assad and his father before him, rebel forces have forced Assad to resign his office and flee the country.  We’re not sure where he is, but the- — there’s word that he’s in Moscow. 

At long last, the Assad regime has fallen.  This regime brutalized and tortured and killed literally hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrians. 

A fall of the regime is a fundamental act of justice.  It’s a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria to build a better future for their proud country. 

It’s also a moment of risk and uncertainty.  As we all turn to the question of what comes next, the United States will work with our partners and the stakeholders in Syria to help them seize an opportunity to manage the risks. 

You know, for years, the main backers of Assad have been Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia.  But over the last week, their support collapsed — all three of them — because all three of them are far weaker today than they were when I took office.  And let’s remember why. 

After Hamas attacked Israel on October the 7th, 2023, when much of the world responded with horror, Iran and its proxies chose to launch a multi-front war against Israel.  That was a historic mistake on Iran’s part. 

Today, Iran’s main territorial proxy, Hezbollah, is also on its back. 

Only 12 days ago, I spoke from the Rose Garden about the ceasefire deal in Lebanon — a deal that was only possible because Hezbollah has been badly degraded.  Meanwhile, Hamas has been da- — badly degraded as well. 

Iran’s own military capabilities have been weakened.  Iran tried two times to attack Israel, and the United States and — built a coalition of countries to directly defend Israel and help defeat those attacks. 

All this made possible for Iran and Hezbollah to continue to prop up — impossible, I should say, for them to prop up the Assad regime. 

Additionally, Russia’s support for Assad also failed.  And that’s because Ukraine, backed by our American allies, has put up a wall of resistance against the invading Russian forces, inflicting massive damage on the Russian forces.  And that has left Russia unable to protect its main ally in the Middle East. 

(Coughs.)  Excuse my cold. 

The upshot for all this is, for the first time ever, neither Russia nor Iran nor Hezbollah could defend this abhorrent regime in Syria.  And this is a direct result of the blows that Ukraine, Israel have delivered upon their own self-defense with unflagging support of the United States. 

And over the past four years, my administration pursued a clear, principled policy towards Syria. 

First, we made clear from the start sanctions on Ira- — on Ira- — Assad would remain in place unless he engaged seriously in a political process to end the civil war, as outlined under the U.N. Security Council resolution passed in 2015.  But Assad refused, so we carried out a comprehensive sanction program against him and all those responsible for atrocities against the Syrian people. 

Second, we maintained our military presence in Syria.  Our counter-ISIS — to counter the support of local partners as well on the ground — their partners — never ceding an inch of territory, taking out leaders of ISIS, ensuring that ISIS can never establish a safe haven there again. 

Third, we’ve supported Israel’s freedom of action against Iranian networks in Syria and against actors aligned with Iran who transported lethal aid to Lebanon, and, when necessary, ordered the use of military force against Iranian networks to protect U.S. forces.  

Our approach has shifted the balance of power in the Middle East.  Through this combination of support for our partners, sanctions, and diplomacy and targeted military force when necessary, we now see new opportunities opening up for the people of Syria and for the entire region. 

Looking ahead, the United States will do the following: First, we’ll support Syria’s neighbors — including Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, and Israel — should any threat arise from Syria during this period of transition.  I will speak with leaders of the region in the coming days.  I had long discussions with all of our people earlier this morning.  And I’ll send senior officials from my administration to the region as well. 

Second, we will help stability — ensure stability in eastern Syria, protecting any personnel — our personnel against any threats.  And it will remain — our mission against ISIS will be maintained, including the security of detention facilities where ISIS fighters are being held as prisoners.  We’re clear-eyed about the fact that ISIS will try to take advantage of any vacuum to reestablish its capability and to create a safe haven.  We will not let that happen.  

In fact, just today, U.S. forces conducted a dozen of precision strikes — air strikes within Syria targeting ISIS camps and ISIS operatives. 

Third, we will engage with all Syrian groups, including within the process led by the United Nations, to establish a transition away from the Assad regime toward independent, sovereign — an independent — independent — I want to say it again — sovereign Syria with a new constitution, a new government that serves all Syrians.  And this process will be determined by the Syrian people themselves. 

And the United States will do whatever we can to support them, including through humanitarian relief, to help restore Syria after more than a decade of war and generations of brutality by the Assad family.

And finally, we will remain vigilant.  Make no mistake, some of the rebel groups that took down Assad have their own grim record of terrorism and humanit- — human right abuses.  We’ve taken note of statements by the leaders of these rebel groups in recent days.  And we’re — they’re saying the right things now, but as they take on greater responsibility, we will assess not just their words, but their actions. 

And as — we are mindful — we are mindful that there are Americans in Syria, including those who reside there, as well as Austin Tice, who was taken captive more than 12 years ago.  We remain committed to returning him to his family. 

As I’ve said, this is a moment of considerable risk and uncertainty, but I also believe this is the best opportunity in generations for Syrians to forge their own future free of opposition. 

It’s also an opportunity, through far from certain — though it’s far from certain, for a more secure and prosperous Middle East, where our friends are safe, where our enemies are contained.  And it would be a waste of this historic opportunity if one tyrant were toppled and only a — only to see a new one rise up in its place.  So, it’s now incumbent upon all the opposition groups who seek a role in governing Syria to demonstrate their commitment to the rights of all Syrians, the rule of law, and the protection of religious and ethnic minorities. 

These past few days have been historic, and, you know, it’s in the days ahead that will determine the future of a — this country, and we intend to approach them with strength, wisdom, and resolve. 

So, thank you very much.  God bless America.  And God protect our troops. 

Thank you. 

Q    What should happen to Assad now, Mr. President?

(Cross-talk.)

Q    What does the U.S. know about where Austin Tice might be and if he’s safe?

THE PRESIDENT:  We believe he’s alive.  We think we can get him back, but we have no direct evidence of that yet. 

And Assad should be held accountable. 

Q    Have you directed an operation to go get him, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT:  Get who?

Q    Austin Tice.

THE PRESIDENT:  We have to — we — we want to get him out.  We —

Q    Yes, sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  — we have to identify where he is.

Thank you.   

1:49 P.M. EST

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The United States and the Kingdom of Bahrain are proud to unveil the Geospatial Acceleration Initiative, an ambitious step forward in one of the Middle East’s longest-standing and most valued strategic partnerships. This initiative stems from the advanced technology track of the Comprehensive Security Integration and Prosperity Agreement (C-SIPA), signed in 2023, which strengthened US-Bahraini collaboration in defense, security, and cutting-edge technology development.

Bahrain’s steadfast dedication to regional security is exemplified by its prominent role in supporting multinational efforts to ensure safe navigation in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden, countering threats to maritime trade, and upholding international law. Bahrain’s leadership in this effort underscores its ongoing commitment to advancing regional stability and protecting vital global trade corridors.

Through the Geospatial Acceleration Initiative and the advanced C-SIPA tech track, the U.S. National Geospatial-Intelligence Agency (NGA)—a global leader in geospatial intelligence—will collaborate with Bahraini stakeholders to produce and share hydrographic, aeronautical, and topographic geospatial foundation data. This partnership will enhance navigation safety for both military forces and bolster maritime security across the region.

The enduring U.S.-Bahrain partnership, rooted in decades of mutual trust and shared goals, is a testament to the power of collaboration. Together, through innovative initiatives like the Geospatial Acceleration Initiative, we reaffirm our resolve to confront today’s challenges with ingenuity and unity. This partnership continues to serve as a cornerstone of peace, security, and prosperity for both nations and beyond.

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The post The United States and Bahrain Launch Geospatial Acceleration Initiative under C-SIPA appeared first on The White House.