Speeches and Remarks

East Room

8:12 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  My name — my name is Joe Biden, and I’m Jill Biden’s husband.  (Laughter.) 

And I was raised by — some of you know me well — by a righteous Christian: my dad.  My dad used to come home and rail against the fact that we didn’t let the ship in — let — after Auschwitz, we didn’t — we didn’t bomb the railroad tracks, et cetera.  And my dad would always talk about our obligations.  And my dad was the one who inspired me. 

And I see my fellow father-in-law out there, Ronny Olivere.  Ronny is a good friend.

And my — my — what happened was that — my dad always thought that we had an obligation to — to step up and — and talk about what happened, and he inspired me to take every one of my children and grandchildren — when they reached the age of 14, their first trip in an aircraft overseas was to Ausch- — to — excuse me — to the — to the camp — that I wanted them to see what it was like, wanted them to see that no one could have misunderstood that there — what was going on in those camps.

And so, they toured the camps.  And they toured them, so I wanted them to know that you couldn’t pretend it didn’t happen and it should never happen again.

And so, I learned a long time ago: You don’t have to be a Jew to be a Zionist.  I’m a Zionist.  (Applause.)

A little early, but Happy Hanukkah to everyone.

Jill and I and Kamala and Doug are honored to host you here at the White House. 

Doug, thank you for being such a great friend. 

And thank you, Anne.   You’ve been a true friend and a real leader.  And tell your son how proud of him I am — of you.  She has a beautiful son.

And I want to thank you all for being here tonight. 

Look, when you walk around the White House, you feel the history and the story of our nation, including the story of the Jewish people who came to our shores in the 1600s after fleeing persecution abroad. 

Here in the East Room is a portrait of George Washington.  In 1790, a local Jewish leader from Newport, Rhode Island, wrote a letter to President Washington expressing his hope that America would be a nation of religious freedom for all its citizens, a nation which, quote, “gives bigotry no sanction and persecution no assistance.”

Like the ancient Hanukkah story when Jewish M- — when the Jewish Maccabees fought for religious freedom thousands of years ago, a letter to George Washington echoed the same vision for freedom.  And ever since, the values and contributions of the Jewish Americans have shaped the very foundation and character of our nation. 

That’s why, two years ago, Jill and I displayed the first-ever permanent White House menorah made of the original wood from the White House building.  We displayed it again tonight to make clear that history and vibrancy of the Jewish life is woven into the fabric of America, every aspect of it, and it’s permanent.  It’s permanent.

But I know this year’s Hanukkah falls on the hearts that are still very heavy.  It’s the second Hanukkah since the horrors of October 7th.  Over a thousand slaughtered, hundreds taken hostage, unspeakable sexual violence, and so more.  The trauma of that day and its aftermath is still raw and ongoing. 

I’ve gotten over a hundred hostages out, and I will not stop until I get every single one of them home — every single.  (Applause.)

Last month, we secured a ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon so residents can safely return home.  And I’ve said many times before, my commitment to the safety of the Jewish people and security of Israel and its right to exist as an independent nation-state is — remains ironclad. 

I know — (applause) — not just me — I know the Jewish community is also suffering from despicable surge of antisemitism in America and all around the world.  It’s immoral.  It’s wrong.  And it must stop now. 

And, Doug, I want to thank you.  Thank you for your leadership in this effort.  I really mean it sincerely.

And I know it’s hard to find hope while — while carrying so much sorrow.  But from my perspective, Jewish people have always embodied the duality of pain and joy. 

You know, the late Rabbi Jonathan Sacks said, “A people that can walk through a valley of shadow of death and still rejoice is a people that cannot be defeated by any force or fear.”  “Any force or fear.”  (Applause.)

That resilience and that capacity to find faith and joy despite centuries of persecution and pain is your light, like the light of miracles throughout the Jewish history, from the menorah oil lasting eight days to the miracle of Israel itself. 

Look, let me close with this.  Throughout my life, rabbis, Jewish friends, colleagues have always been there for me and my family when we’ve gone through very tough times — and I mean it sincerely — been there on our doorstep, in our home with us.  They taught us so much about the optimistic spirit of the Jewish people. 

Above all, they taught me one thing we can never lose: hope.  Hope, hope, hope.  I’ve seen the power of that hope in my own life and in the life of our nation. 

Next week, you’ll light the eight candles in your menorahs.  My final Hanukkah message to you is this — as president — this is: to hold onto that hope, shine your light — shine the light of optimism, and above all, keep the faith.  Keep the faith.

May God bless you.  Happy Hanukkah.

And now I turn it over to Rabbi Cosgrove.  (Applause.)

Rabbi Cosgrove, who — by the way, who I visited his — as I was — his synagogue in New York.  He was still nice to me afterward too. 

Rabbi, it’s all yours, kid.  Go get them.  (Laughter and applause.) 

8:19 P.M. EST

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South Court Auditorium
Eisenhower Executive Office Building

Good evening.

We owe our schools and our communities better. We cannot accept this as normal. We must protect our children and educators from gun violence.

Thank you for being here.

It’s hard to believe that this is one of our last gatherings of educators at the White House.

The day after Joe was inaugurated, nearly four years ago, I began my time as First Lady by thanking our nation’s educators, alongside Randi and Becky.

The pandemic was still raging, so we sat six feet apart. And on that day, I promised you that as long as Joe was in the White House, educators would always have a seat at the table. That promise has been my guiding light over the last four years, and I hope you have felt your impact in all we’ve accomplished together. 

We began this journey together.

I asked Randi and Becky to help gather us again as this chapter comes to a close.

And my message to you is simple: thank you.

Over the last four years, we’ve built an even stronger education system in this country—and it took all of us. Because policies don’t work unless we implement them in our classrooms. And our schools don’t transform lives without educators who are dedicated to this calling.

So thank you.

Thank you for opening your hearts and your classrooms to me, all across the country. For joining me for the first-ever Teachers of the Year State Dinner here at the White House. For coming together during the last election. For using your “teacher voice” to organize and get out the vote.

And I know that you will continue to push our nation forward in the way that only teachers can, making sure that our students are front and center.

Joe and I will be there with you every step of the way.

Most of all, I want to thank you for devoting your lives to our nation’s students through the good days and tough ones, through setbacks and breakthroughs, through careful lesson plans and all the surprises we could never plan for.

Being your First Lady has been the honor of my life. But being your colleague has been the work of my life.

Last Thursday, I taught my last class of the semester, and my final class ever at Northern Virginia Community College.

I will always love this profession, which is why I continued to teach full-time while serving as your First Lady.

And I couldn’t have done it without the love and support of fellow educators.

At every turn, you’ve stood by my side, lifted my spirits, and helped me remember that we’re in this together.

And I will always be grateful to those who lead us forward.

Becky, thank you for being a bold champion of students and educators—and for encouraging them to become change-makers too. You help us set our sights on a brighter future, and show us how to fight for every inch of progress.

Randi, you are a force, and you use your power to lift up educators so that we can lift up our students. You remind us that we are not alone, and that we are unstoppable when we act together.

Joe and I are so grateful to both of you, and all of the educators that you represent.

And now, I’ll turn it over to Randi.

***

Thank you, Becky.

Just a couple of weeks ago, on one of my final overseas trips, the U.S. Ambassador in Qatar told me about how, all of these years later, he still remembers the English teacher who changed his life.

All of us have someone we credit for creating an inflection point in our lives. And you are that someone.

Every day, you see something in your students—a spark of passion, a glimmer of talent—and you say, don’t let the world miss out on your light.

Thanks to you, light shines out of your classrooms, every student a sun ray of your legacy.

We don’t always see how far that light travels.

But right now, someone out there is standing a little taller because you helped them find the confidence they needed.

Someone is working a little harder because you pushed them to try.

Someone is braver because you helped them find their courage.

And someone has become a teacher and mentor to their own students, because all of us are links in an endless chain of educators.

And while the world shifts under our feet, we will always have each other.

So right now, more than anything else, my message to you is this: Lean on each other. Be each other’s strength. And never forget the power of education to transform lives.

From the bottom of my heart, thank you, and happy holidays.

###

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U.S. Department of Labor
Washington, D.C.

12:38 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello.  (Applause.)  It’s a good day.  (Applause.) 

Thank you, Acting Secretary Su.

AUDIENCE:  Thank you, Joe!  Thank you, Joe!  Thank you, Joe! 

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  I — I had no choice.  (Laughter.)  My grandfather would come down from Heaven if I didn’t do this.  (Laughter.)

(Coughs.)  Excuse me, I have a little bit of a cold. 

Folks, you know, this is an incredible honor.  I really mean that.  And I want to thank Acting Secretary Su and the Department of Labor for this incredible honor.

You know, I measure the importance of the — any award I ever received based on the character and consequence of the organization that’s bestowing it.  And the Department of Labor is an organization of character and consequence.  And I’m honored — (coughs) — I’m honored to be joined today by leaders of character and conscious, many of them sitting right here in the front row.  Half of my Cabinet is here.  (Laughter and applause.)

I want to thank all — all the labor leaders here today, including Liz and the AFL-CIO; members of the Cabinet, including Interior Secretary Deb Haaland.  You know, you talked about that list that she — that the secretary brought in her pocket when she met with Trump — I mean, with Roosevelt — Trump? — Freudian slip — (laughter) — and — but I — I think she had a relative she left behind. 

Would you stand up, Madam Secretary — secretary of Interior?  (Applause.)

I’ve been around a long time, and she’s the only secretary I’ve ever worked with or had working for me who when I say, “That’s done,” she’d — “No, no, no.  We have this to do now.”  (Laughter.) 

Thank you, kiddo.

Look, you know, former Labor secretary, who is now in the White House, senior advisor (inaudible), is Tom Perez.  (Applause.)  Where is he? 

Tom, thanks for sticking with me. 

And members of Congress, including Maine — Maine senator, Angus King, and Cherlie [Chellie] Pingree — where — where is Ch- — where are you guys?  All over here.  Okay.  There you are.  (Applause.) 

And, by — and, by the way, last night, we were doing a — a Christmas event at the house, and I got finished talking to a group of folks from Labor, and my wife said, “And, by the way, his wife is a member of a labor union too.”  (Laughter and applause.) 

I’m Jill Biden’s husband.  She’s not here today, but she’s been a long-time union member of the National Education Association.  (Applause.)

And it’s fitting, with all these powerful women here, that we’ve gathered at headquarters of the Department of Labor, named after one of America’s greatest labor leaders — and that’s not hyperbole — Frances Perkins.

You know, we’re honored to be joined by her grandson, Tomlin.  Where are you, Tomlin?  (Applause.)  Thank you, bud.

Saturday, March 25th, 1911, Frances sat down for afternoon tea at her home with a close friend from New York City.  Suddenly, they hear the sound of a distant screams and sirens.  The building was in flames.  Her instinct was to run to the scene.

As she approached the fire and smoke, she recognized the Triangle Shirt[waist] Factory, a company that employed hundreds of workers, mostly immigrants and women, who worked long hours crammed into tight quarters, where managers locked them inside to make clothing.

In an instant, those workers were trapped in a brutal blaze.  With no safe exit, some workers forced to climb out the windows, holding on for dear life until their fingers gave out.  Others just jumped — prayed and jumped.

A total of 150 lives were lost that day.  It was the deadliest industrial disaster in American history. 

Frances was devastated.  But that fire ignited a passion in her.  It strengthened her resolve to fight even harder for working Americans and working families.

In her decades of service, she became a fierce defender of unions and workers’ rights, an architect of the New Deal, the first woman Cabinet secretary — the first woman Cabinet secretary.  I increased on that a little bit — (laughter) — because I know what my family is like.  All of — all the really bright people in my family are women.  (Laughter.)  And the longest-serving secretary of Labor in American history, God love you.

And the story goes, after Franklin Roosevelt asked her to become his Labor secretary, Frances Perkins immediately responded by outlining her goals, what she wanted done.  She said, “I want unemployment relief, overtime pay, child labor laws, minimum wage, worker’s compensation, national health insurance, and Social Security” — (laughs) — many of the benefits we take for granted as a consequence of Frances’s dedication to inciting courage. 

But that — can you imagine walking up to Roosevelt and saying, “Hey, I’ll take the job, but here’s the deal, man.”  (Laughter.)  “Let’s get this straight.”  Like I said, a little bit like when I asked Frances to do my job.

Hard-fought battles and — with Teamsters and, you know, at her — look, a real testament to her skill as an advocate for public servants.

An example that, through the Fair Labor Standards Act, she cemented the idea that if you’re working a full-time job, you shouldn’t have to live in poverty — a simple proposition.  If you work a little extra, you should have extra money for overtime.  Not a crazy idea.  Even — some even argue about it now.

Frances understood what my dad taught me, and I — you’ve heard me say this a thousand times, but it — he really would say this.  He said, “Joey, a job is about a lot more than a paycheck.  It’s about your dignity.  It’s about respect.  It’s about your place in the community.  It’s about being able to look your kid in the eye and say, ‘Honey, it’s going to be okay,’ and mean it.”  That’s my dad. 

In fact, during her 12 years in office, she accomplished everything on her list, except expanded health care for health insurance.  It took 65 years later and a guy named Barack Obama and I to get the Affordable Care Act passed.  (Applause.)  And thank God all of us here have protected and expanded the Affordable Care Act.

Look, it’s clear that Frances Perkins and a generation of activists and labor leaders laid the groundwork for much of what we’ve accomplished in the last four years.

We’re fundamentally transforming the economy by breaking an economic orthodoxy that has failed this nation for generation after generation, in my view: trickle-down economics, the notion that if you — every — the wealthy do very, very well, a little will trickle off — off their tables onto our kitchen table. 

My dad used to say, “Nothing ever trickled on my table, honey.”  (Laughter.)  No, I’m serious. 

My dad was a really well-read man who didn’t get to go — he went — accepted to Johns Hopkins, but during the war, he never got to go.  But my dad was a well-read guy. 

Well, you know, the primary benefits to the very wealthy and the biggest corporations were trickle-down economics, and that didn’t do much for working people and the middle class and left too many people behind. 

Together, we built an economy from the middle out and the bottom up, not the top down, and because we know this simple truth: Wall Street didn’t build America; the middle class built America, and u- — (applause) — and unions built the middle class.  (Applause.)  Un- — and that’s a fact. 

In fact, as th- — as the secretary of Treasury will tell you, I asked her to do a study because I was going to get hit, because I knew they’d say by having unions increase in their numbers and their wages go up, we were going to cost people thing.  Guess what?  The study the Treasury did showed that when unions do well, all workers do well -– union and non-worker [non-union], across the board.  (Applause.)

It matters.  It works.  It’s fair.

Kamala and I are so proud of the great job creation record of any — actually, the greatest job correction [creation] of any single president in a single term: over 6 [16] million jobs so far, including over 1.5 million manufacturing and construction jobs — good-paying jobs you can raise a family on and don’t have to require a four-year degree.  And get this: There are more women, especially mothers, in the workforce than ever before in American history.  (Applause.)

We’re so damn proud to have protected pensions of millions of union workers and retirees — (applause) — when I signed the Butch Lewis Act. 

You know, think about that.  Imagine what the average American would say if you were going to do that with their Social Security, which this guy wants to do.  Imagine if he said, “Your pension, you can’t count on it anymore.” 

In addition, we’ve recovered more than $1 billion in back wages and damages for over 600,000 workers here in America.  (Applause.)

We wo- — we’ve pushed for a right to a living wage and your right to overtime pay.

Jobs and factories are coming back home to America because we invested in the American agenda.  We’re modernizing American infrastructure. 

Last time, this guy had — last guy had the job, he had “Infrastructure Week” every week — didn’t build a damn thing.  (Laughter.)  Well, guess what?  We’re — we built a lot.  And guess what’s coming? 

Look, folks, one of the things that is frustrating — I knew this was going to happen because I’ve been around a long time, and I talked over to the secretary of Agriculture and other places.  Guess what?  All the things — we have $1.4 trillion in economic — in — in infrastructure growth.  That’s thousands of good-paying jobs. 

The CHIPS and Science Act investing billions of dollars — billions of dollars — building these fabs that are going to house hundreds of people working, thousands, and they’re going to be ba- — getting paid about average of $102,000 a year and don’t need a college degree.

So much — so much is going on.  But it’s going to take a little bit of time.  But we got to make sure to protect — protect the — the onslaught that’s going to come, because it’s hard to see right away.

And, by the way, I know I got criticized by putting as many of these programs in red states as blue states — actually more.  Well, guess what?  The red state guys screwed it up.  (Laughter.)  And we got a be- — benefit — we — we represent all of America, not just — not just blue America, not just Democrats, but all of America. 

Look, as we do all this, we’re — we’re buying America, using American workers, using American products.  And we’re standing up to Amer- — for American steelworkers against China’s unfair trade practices.

We appointed a National Labor Relations Board that actually believes in unions and has pro-union members on the board.  (Applause.)  A strange notion.  And a special thank you to the chair of the board, Lauren McFerran — (applause) — (inaudible) — who is here.  Where are you, Lauren?  There — thank you, Lauren. 

Don’t be so shy.  Raise your — stand up.  Let everybody see you.  (Laughter and applause.)

And it’s no accident — no accident that petitions to form unions have doubled — doubled under my presidency.  (Applause.) 

I got all this credit for walking the picket line.  It never crossed my mind not to walk the picket line.  (Laughter.)  No, I’m serious.  I didn’t think it was any big deal.  I walked a lot of picket lines.  The fact that I was president, I hadn’t thought about that.  And then Pamela [Kamala] walked the picket line.  We support the right to fair contracts.  

Here’s one, you know, that doesn’t get enough attention: When workers in sectors like construction, manufacturing, mining inhale toxic silica dust on the job, it can lead to lung cancer and other deadly diseases.  It’s been a major problem for decades, even under Secretary Perkins.  She led an investigation, but despite the science, big business blocked the regulation.

But not on our watch.  Not on your watch.  With your help, we carried Frances’s — Frances’s mantle and issued a rule that finally reduces such dangerous exposure. 

And, by the way — (applause) — our secretary — the secretary of Veterans Affairs is sitting in front of me here — one of the really good guys.  I really mean it.

And, you know, we — what we’ve done — what we did for the CHIPS and Science Act, and then we went — made sure we were going to take care of veterans.  We said all those folks, in my generation, exposed to Agent Orange couldn’t prove that their illness was a consequence of it and all those, like my son’s generation, that were exposed to toxic burn pits in Iraq and other places, that it’s assumed that — my son came back, for example, with Stage Four glioblastoma.  More brain injuries than anything else.  And guess what?  They’re entitled to the benefits that they were going to get if they had not lost their lives — their family.  (Applause.)

And to ad-lib here a little bit, I — I think the American people are beginning to figure out all we’re doing is what’s basically decent and fair — just basically decent and fair.

We have a lot of sacred obligations — I got into trouble for saying this before, but we only have one truly sacred obligation: to prepare those we send into harm’s way and pre- — care for them and their families when they come home.  And that’s a simple proposition.  Finally, that’s happening.

What — what you got?  Another million now?  A million you’re taking care of.

I make no apologies.  I’m so damn proud of that.  (Applause.)

Look, folks, in our four years together, we’ve made historic investments that have changed the course of the nation’s future and will have a lasting impact for decades to come.

And I’m here to say, to state the obvious, we could not have done this without the dedicated professionals here at the Department of Labor and all across this administration.  (Applause.)  Could not have done.

And I’m damn proud to be known as the most pro-labor administration in American history, because we are.  We are.  We make no apologies.  (Applause.)

Look, let me close with this.  Frances Perkins once said, “The people are what matter to government, and the government should aim to give people — all people under its jurisdiction the best possible life” — “the best possible life.”

For my dad, it was a simple proposition: Everybody deserves a shot.  No guarantee, but a shot.  Everybody deserves a shot.

All of you have helped the — upheld that vision, putting the people first, no matter who they are.

Another important legacy of our administration is making sure we learn from history, lift up stories that often have gone untold.

Earlier this year, during Women’s History Month, I signed the first-ever executive order on recognizing and honoring women’s history to increase representation of women and historic sites — in historic sites all across America.

Today, I’m proud to stand here in the Frances Perkins — Perkins Building, headquarters of the Labor Department, to designate Frances Perkins Homestead in Newcastle, Maine, a national monument.  (Applause.)

And Secretary Haaland is also going to be announcing five new national historic landmarks to honor women’s contributions to American history.  (Applause.)

They includes Charleston Cigar Factory — (coughs) — excuse me — where Black women led a workers’ strike that opposed gender and racial discrimination and advocated for better pay for working conditions.

Look, too many people want to rewrite history or ignore it.  Look, we wa- — all we want to do is make — le- — make sure we record history — record history — the good, bad, and the indifferent — who we are. 

I was able to show up at Indian Country and apologize for what we did to the Indian Americans, for the schools we made them go to and took them away, off the reservations with their parents.

Throughout our history, women’s vision and achievements have strengthened this nation, to state the obvious.

That’s why I’ve kept my commitment to have an administration that looks like America, and that includes having more women in senior access all across the board, starting with my amazing vice president, Kamala Harris.  (Applause.)

It’s about time we honor them in building the American Women’s Museum and — History Museum on the Mall — (applause) — and the Women’s Suffrage National Monument on the National Mall.  (Applause.)  

And, by the way, it’s time for Congress to move in authorizing that legislation — moving it forward.  They should do it now, before this Congress ends.  (Applause.) 

Folks, our administration is coming to an end, but our work continues.

We get up.  We keep going.  We keep the faith.  I know I will.  I know you will.  We just have to remember who in the hell we are.

We’re the United States of America.  (Applause.)  There is nothing beyond our capacity when we do it together — nothing, nothing, nothing.  (Applause.)

May God bless you all.  And may God prote- — protect our troops.  (Applause.)

And now I will sign the proclamation.

Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.)

Here.

(The proclamation is signed.)  (Applause.)

12:57 P.M. EST

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Via Teleconference

4:47 P.M. EST

MODERATOR:  Hi, everyone.  Thanks for joining our gaggle late in the day today.  Kirby has some words here at the top, and then we’ll get into as many questions as we can. 

MR. KIRBY:  Hey, everybody.  Good afternoon.  Sorry for the late afternoon gaggle.  Obviously, lots going on here.  So, again, thanks for joining late.

I do want to start by expressing our deep condolences to all the victims and the families, and certainly the community of Madison, today.  Just horrific news, and news that no family, no parent, no sibling, no son or daughter ever wants to hear.  So, just terrible. 

And we will continue to stay focused on the community there in Madison, and we’ll obviously offer whatever help may be required or needed of local and state authorities. 

I can tell you that the President has been briefed on the school shooting there and that senior White House officials are, as you would expect we would be, in touch with our local counterparts there in Madison to provide whatever support that they need. 

Now, I want to address a couple of more things here before we take your questions, and first to the continued interest in drones. 

And just at the outset, I think it’s important to remember a bit of context here.  There are more than 1 million drones that are lawfully registered with the Federal Aviation Administration here in the United States, and there are thousands of commercial, hobbyist, and law enforcement drones that are lawfully in the sky on any given day.  That is the ecosystem that we are dealing with.  And it is legal.  It is proper.  In fact, in many cases, these drones provide valuable services, both on the commercial side and on the law enforcement, public safety side. 

And with the technology evolving as it is, we have every expectation that the number of drones in the skies over the United States is going to increase over time.

Now, with respect to what’s going on in and around New Jersey, the FBI has received now tips of some 5,000 reported drone sightings in the last few weeks, about 100 of which they felt needed to be followed up on.  So out of 5,000 tips, they did the analysis and determined that about 100 required following up on.

We also have federal government resources and personnel supporting state and local officials as they investigate these reports.  We’re obviously quickly working to help state and local authorities prioritize and follow up on the leads that are still being followed up on.  As Secretary Mayorkas said, we have sent additional advanced detection technology to the region, and of course, we’ve sent some trained visual observers as well.

Having closely examined the data, having closely looked at the tips and collated them as best we can from concerned citizens, we assess that the sightings to date include a combination of lawful commercial drones, hobbyist drones, and law enforcement drones, as well as manned fixed-wing aircraft, helicopters, and even stars that were mistakenly reported as drones.  We have not identified anything anomalous or any national security or public safety risk over the civilian airspace in New Jersey or other states in the Northeast. 

The work continues.  So that said, we obviously
recognize the concern among many communities.  We continue to support state and local authorities, as I said, with technology and law enforcement support.  And we will continue to follow up, as appropriate, on the leads that are still active. 

But I want to stress again: Our assessment at this stage is that the activity represents commercial, hobbyist, law enforcement drones, all operating legally and lawfully, and/or civilian aviation aircraft. 

As we continue to work through the leads that are out there, we’ll continue to share what we can.  And I would add that this assessment that I just read out is coming from law enforcement officials. 

I want to add that we urge Congress to enact counter-UAS — unmanned aerial systems — legislation that has been proposed and repeatedly requested by this administration that would extend and expand existing counter-drone authorities to help identify and counter any threat that does emerge.  There are gaps and seams, for instance, between the various government agencies — federal, local and state.  And this counter-UAV, counter-drone legislation would help us close some of those gaps and seams.  So we need Congress to act. 

And so, when Congress reconvenes in January, we’re going to be calling on them to put in place a bipartisan task force [commission] to examine congestion in the skies and to help set appropriate rules to address the public’s concerns.

Now, additionally, there have been a limited number of visual sightings of drones over military facilities in New Jersey and elsewhere, much of which is, of course, restricted airspace.  Such sightings near or over DOD installations are not new.  And DOD takes unauthorized access over its airspace seriously, as you would expect them to do, and they coordinate closely with federal and law enforcement authorities as appropriate.  And they are actively engaged with local commanders to ensure that there are appropriate detection and mitigation measures in place. 

And lastly, if I could, turning to North Korea and Russia. 

Throughout this conflict, we’ve seen North Korean support for Russia’s illegal and unprovoked war, including the transfer of missiles, artillery ammunition.  And, in October, of course, we announced that more than 1,000 North Korean troops were deployed to Russia on a purported training mission. 

In reality, Russia, due to Ukraine’s strong defense, and out of military desperation, sought additional support to facilitate and to perpetuate its war. 

Over the past few days, we have seen these North Korean soldiers move from the second lines on the battlefield to the front lines on the battlefield meant to be actively engaged in combat operations.  It’s not surprising — and of course, it’s also not surprising that now North Korean soldiers are suffering losses on the battlefield in response to Russia’s escalation, which, of course, the introduction of North Korean soldiers represents in terms of escalation.

The United States has announced new assistance, including the use of long-range capabilities to degrade North Korean and Russian forces before they attack.  And we have continued to surge security assistance, announcing two drawdowns in just recent weeks, and one USAI package.

Today, the Biden-Harris administration is announcing new sanctions on nine DPRK — North Korean — individuals and seven entities, including banks and shipping companies, all of which is over, of course, Kim Jong Un’s support for Russia’s war in Ukraine, as well as the DPRK’s continued ballistic missile testing. 

These sanctions contribute toward broader efforts to degrade the DPRK’s ability to continue generating revenue for its weapons of mass destruction program and for providing munitions and ballistic missiles to Russia for use against Ukraine. 

We’re going to continue to hold accountable all actors who facilitate financially and militarily Russia’s illegal and brutal war in Ukraine.  And it goes without saying, or at least I hope it goes without saying, that we stand by Ukraine and the Ukrainian people as they defend their freedom, their territorial integrity, their sovereignty, their citizens, their lives, and their livelihoods.  That’s been a consistent theme, it’s been a consistent effort by this administration since Mr. Putin decided to cross the line in February of ‘22.  And I can assure you, with every day that we have left in this administration, we’re going to make good on that commitment. 

With that, I can take your questions.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our first question will go to Nandita with Reuters.

Q    Hi.  Can you hear me?

MODERATOR:  Yep.

Q    Thank you.  I wanted to ask about President-elect Trump’s comments on Ukraine today.  He’s obviously raised doubts about President Biden’s strategy of sending long-range missiles to Ukraine.  Today he said Ukraine has to agree to a deal.  I’m curious what you think of Trump’s comments and what they mean for President Zelenskyy and the future of Ukraine.

MR. KIRBY:  I’m not going to engage in a public back-and-forth here, but I do want to make a couple of points. 

There are things you’ve heard me say before, but, my goodness, if you need to hear, I’ll say it again: Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine.  We’re not going to have talks about them without them involved.  We’re not going to force their hand in terms of what their next steps might be. 

President Zelenskyy was elected by the Ukrainian people to be their representative in the executive branch of their government, and he is.  And he gets to decide if and when there’s going to be a negotiation. 

Now, we all believe there should be a negotiated end to this war.  That’s probably the most likely and the best way it’s going to end.  We recognize that.  But President Zelenskyy gets to determine under what terms, what conditions, when, and how he wants to engage in negotiations.  And as we have made clear to him in the past, so I can today: When he makes that decision, as long as President Biden is Commander-in-Chief, he will find in this administration a supporter as he moves forward to negotiating.  But he gets to determine that.  And if he does do it, he gets to determine the conditions.

What we’re going to — the third thing I’ll say is that between now and that day, whenever that day is, we’re going to make sure that his army has what they need to continue to succeed on the battlefield and to push the Russians back and to make it harder on Mr. Putin to continue to fight this war. 

I mean, even as we’re talking here, it is true that the Russians have made some plodding progress in the east, and it is true that they are going after Ukrainian lines in and around Kursk, but they’re doing it with North Korean soldiers, because that’s how desperate he is.  And the progress that they’re making in the east, yes, not denying that they’re making progress, but it’s coming at a heavy cost for Russian soldiers as well. 

One of the things that Mr. Putin has had to buy a lot of in terms — and he’s bought a lot of missiles, he’s bought drones, he’s bought artillery shells, and he’s getting them from all kinds of different places.  He’s also had to buy a lot of body bags.  And I think that shouldn’t be forgotten.  And that’s it.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Aamer with the AP.

Q    Hey.  Thank you, John.  One question I had was: Did the administration consult with President-elect Trump’s team before the decision to loosen restrictions on the use of American-provided ATACMS? 

And then, just secondly, on your point about North Koreans now being seen moving up to the front lines, is there anything specific triggering this?  And is there an assessment of how many North Korean troops have been injured or lost thus far?  Thank you.

MR. KIRBY:  So, let me take your second one first.  I don’t know that we have an exact number, but we do believe that they have suffered some significant losses, killed and wounded, but it’s difficult for me to put an actual number on it.  I would say certainly in the realm of dozens, several dozens. 

And we’re just now starting to see this movement of them from the second line to the front line.  So it’s a fairly new development, Aamer, and we might be able to have a little bit more granularity as days go on, but I wouldn’t have put it in this opening statement if we didn’t assess that these were fairly significant losses.  Again, we just don’t have a hard number on it, but just the figures that we are seeing and trying to triangulate tell us that, again, this has not been an insignificant set of losses for these guys. 

And, look, we said it at the time: If they want to enter the fight, they do so at their own peril, and now they’re learning what that means.

On your first question: Look, the conversations that we were having inside the administration about ATACMS started before the election.  All I can assure you is that in the conversations we’ve had with them since the election, and we’ve had it at various levels, we have articulated to them the logic behind it, the thinking behind it, why we were doing it, and to stress to them that this was in response, quite frankly, to the North Korean troops being put on the battlefield, which they did before the election.

Q    John, just real briefly, is it incorrect when President-elect Trump said that he wasn’t consulted?

MR. KIRBY:  Again, Aamer, I’m not going to get into a back-and-forth with the President-elect or his team.  I can only tell you the decision about ATACMS was made before the election, before we had a result, and it was made internal to this administration, as it should be.  And it was made because of a decision by Putin to use North Korean troops, which was a decision he made before the election.  So, all that happened pre-election.

Post-election, we have had the appropriate level of conversations with the incoming team about various national security issues, including the war in Ukraine, to explain what we’re doing, what we’re seeing, why we’re doing it, you know, so that, as I said the other day — I think I said this in the briefing room — there should be no decision we are taking or that we have taken in recent weeks that should come as a surprise to them.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Francesca with USA Today.

Q    Thanks so much for doing this.  I had a question about something else that the President-elect had said today.  Kirby, he said that the U.S. military and both President Biden know where the drones are coming and going from.  He indicated perhaps that you know more than you’re letting on, and said that you should stop keeping people in suspense, that you should tell them what you know.  Could you just respond to that and whether the administration does know more, whether the military and the White House do know more about where the drones are coming and going from?

MR. KIRBY:  I’ve talked to you guys last week.  We did a backgrounder over the weekend.  And I’m talking to you all today.  And today, as I think you hopefully picked up in my opening statement, we are now able to tell you what our assessment is to date, and our assessment is to date, as I indicated, what we believe these things are. 

Now, again, that’s the assessment to date.  So I would say that we are making a very good-faith effort to be as open and direct with all of you and with the American people as we can.  And that will continue.  That will continue all throughout the coming days.  There’s absolutely no effort to be anything other than as upfront as we can be. 

Now, what we’re not going to do is speculate, and we’re not going to hypothesize.  We’re not going to provide content that we can’t be sure is accurate. 

So, you know, I recognize that some of the criticism over the last few days has been that we haven’t said more of what we know.  It’s because we didn’t have as much information as we do now after a few more days of extra resources, extra personnel, extra analysis. 

And so, that’s why I’m coming out here at 4:30 on a Monday to let you know what we’ve learned.  And we’re going to continue to do that, because we know there are, you know, ongoing concerns about this. 

But I want to stress again: Please, if you do anything in your coverage, please make sure that you remind people that there are over a million legal drones in the country and that thousands of them are flying around on any given day, legally, lawfully, performing valuable services, including for the betterment of citizens on the ground.  It’s okay to fly drones.  It’s legal to do it, you know, if you’re registered with the FAA, and our assessment is that the vast, vast majority are. 

And the other thing I’d ask you to please keep front and center is that we’re watching — we’re monitoring this in real time and analyzing it in dang near real time.  And still today, on Monday, we have not seen anything that indicates a threat to national security or a public safety risk.  And obviously, if we did, we would, as appropriate, take the right action, do the right things, execute the right policies, and be as transparent with the American people about it as we could.

Q    Kirby, if I just could really quickly, not to get into intelligence assessments, but is there anything that you’re seeing in the intelligence that perhaps he was referring to that you’re not able to tell us about right now?

MR. KIRBY:  No.  I mean, the short answer to that is no.

Look, you know that I’m always careful when I’m asked about intelligence assessments one way or another.  But if there was something there that would indicate — that would contradict my statement that there was no national security threat at play right now that we know of, or a public safety risk, obviously I wouldn’t say it that way.  You know, it’s not like there’s a bit of intel out there that I’m obfuscating or obscuring from you. 

If we had information, intelligence or otherwise, that told us that there was a national security threat posed by this drone activity, I would say that.  Maybe I wouldn’t be able to tell you exactly what the threat is or who it’s from or what the purpose is, but I would.  And I can’t — I just can’t say that to you honestly, because we haven’t seen it.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Kayla with CNN.

Q    Thank you.  And thank you, Admiral, for doing this. 

First, I just wanted to see if you could elaborate at all on the nature of the discussions between the White House and Trump teams on Ukraine, in which the President-elect has said he wants to see a ceasefire on day one. 

And second, I wanted to see if you could comment on the impeachment of President Yoon in South Korea, what it means for the alliance, and whether the U.S. believes, as some in the country do, that President Yoon should be charged with insurrection.  Thanks.

MR. KIRBY:  I will defer to the incoming team to speak to whatever policies that they want to pursue from a national security perspective.  That’s the appropriate thing.  You know, they should speak to whatever decisions that they believe they’re going to make or approaches that they want to take.  I mean, that’s not for me to comment on or to go into any depth on.

I would just tell you — well, I don’t want to just repeat what I said before.  I’d point you back to my previous answer.  Nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine.  We want to put President Zelenskyy in the best possible position so that if and when he’s ready to negotiate an end to this war, he can do it from a position of strength, from a position of some leverage.  And that’s why we continue to flow so much security assistance to him in these closing weeks of the administration.  And that’s going to continue.

What the next team decides to do or how they want to handle that, that really would be for them to speak to.  And I just don’t think it’s useful or productive for me to go beyond that. 

Obviously, we continue to watch events in South Korea very, very closely.  A significant ally.  Remains a significant ally.  An alliance that is incredibly healthy now after the result of these last four years of really working on our alliances and partnerships in the Pacific. 

As you know, the President spoke with the acting president, Han Duck-soo, over the weekend — I think it was on Saturday evening — to congratulate him and also to reaffirm our commitment to the South Korean people, to the alliance.

I will not speak to internal domestic issues inside South Korea, your question about whether he should be charged with insurrection.  Those kinds of things are for South Korean officials, South Korean legislators, the South Korean people to determine, not the United States.  All I’ll say is that, as the President said to Acting President Han Duck-soo, this is an important relationship for us, it’s a terrific alliance.  The United States is going to stay committed to it.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Cheyenne with ABC.

Q    Hi.  Thank you for doing this.  The President-elect also mentioned changing a trip to Bedminster.  Do you have any reason to believe that Bedminster, New Jersey, has been at all at risk with any of these drone sightings?

And also, you’ve talked about the thousands of drones flying around legally on any given day.  What’s your explanation for why this became a concern just recently in New Jersey?  Do you think it’s just a chain reaction?

MR. KIRBY:  I don’t know the answer to that.  I don’t.  But I can tell you we’re working hard to triangulate all of these sightings.  And as I said, of the 5,000 that the FBI took in, and the local law enforcement, there were about 100 that were deemed — that required, I should say, to follow up on. 

So, I don’t know.  I can’t explain the number of sightings.  Many of them are duplicative.  In other words, you might get, like — this is an example, not — a hypothetical example — but you might get 10 sightings of a single aircraft.  So that counts as 10 sightings, but it may only be one aircraft.  So, as this has become a story locally and certainly through the media, more and more people are looking skyward, and more and more people are seeing things, and more and more people are calling them in and taking video of them.  But in a lot of instances, it turns out to be the same thing seen by multiple people.  But I just can’t explain.  I don’t know.

But your question, I think, gets to why I made those comments at the beginning: to remind people of the sheer size and scope of unmanned aerial systems that are flying legally and lawfully every day over this country.  And again, it’s to our benefit, commercially and even from a public safety and law enforcement perspective.  So, that there are lots of drones in the sky I think is without dispute, and that the vast, vast majority of them are doing good things for people on the ground also should not be in dispute. 

As for the issue of Bedminster, it is already designated as restricted air space, so it is unlawful to fly in that space, with or without it being a manned aircraft, without the FAA’s approval.  So it’s already restricted.  I can’t speak to the President-elect’s travel or what he’s decided to do or where he’s decided to go, but I think it’s important to remember that it is already restricted airspace.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Nadia.

Q    Thank you.  I have a couple of questions.  First, the mother of Austin Tice has sent a letter to Prime Minister Netanyahu, asking him to hold Israeli strikes outside of Damascus because she believes that Austin Tice might be held in a jail there.  Do you think that Israeli strikes might affect his chances of being found alive?  And I have another question.

MR. KIRBY:  I really don’t have anything for you on that one, Nadia.  That’s a — you know, I think that’s a question better put to the Tice family and to the IDF. 

I would just tell you that we continue to work very, very hard to try to find out where Austin is, how Austin is, and stemming from that information, what we can do to try to get him home.  And sadly, regrettably, I just don’t have additional detail to provide for you on that today.  We’re still working this very, very hard. 

Q    Okay.  Also, the President-elect Trump said today that Turkey holds all the keys to what’s happening in Syria.  In fact, he’s insinuating that Turkey is a major player of what’s taken on unfolding events in Syria, and he praised President Erdoğan as a smart guy.  What’s your assessment of Turkey’s role on what we have seen so far in the fall of the Bashar al-Assad regime?

MR. KIRBY:  There’s no question that the Turks are significant players here in whatever the outcome in Syria is going to be, as they have been over the course of the last 14 years.  And that’s why Secretary Blinken went to Turkey last week.  It’s why we continue to have conversations with them at all different levels about what they’re doing, what their concerns are.

As I have said in the past, they have legitimate concerns with a terrorist threat along that border with Syria.  Turkish citizens have fallen victim to terrorist activities there.  You can’t very well blame the Turks for being concerned about that threat. 

On the other hand, we have a relationship with the Syrian Democratic Forces to go after ISIS.  We want to keep that focus of them and us, and so we have certainly talked about our concerns with respect to that mission set as it relates to Turkey’s military operations on the other side of that border. 

And if there’s a need — as there’s a need to deconflict and to work through some of those overlapping concerns, well, we’ll do that because Turkey is, as you rightly said, a NATO Ally. 

So they have had, and legitimately so, have had a large interest in what’s going on in Syria.  We recognize that.  We also recognize that sometimes their goals aren’t exactly the same as ours, and so we talk to them about that, and we’ll continue to do so.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  Our next question will go to Alex with the Wall Street Journal.

Q    Thanks so much.  Real quickly — Kirby, I noticed you said that this assessment is coming from law enforcement.  Just checking if any intelligence agencies, or especially military intel, is part of what went into this assessment, knowing that some of the drones went over Langley and Wright-Patt.

And just trying to get a sense of, you know, how did the administration work to get this info.  You mentioned, you know, you didn’t have it before.  Now you do.  Sort of what went into this?  Is this like — you know, were there a bunch of meetings?  Did FBI send a bunch of folks out?  Can you just give us some detail on how you’ve gotten to this point now in the assessment? Thanks. 

MR. KIRBY:  I kind of already did, Alex.  I said we surged resources, detection capabilities.  We surged personnel, including visual observers, from federal agencies, predominantly DHS.  The military, the Defense Department has surged some additional detection capabilities, certainly with respect to Naval Weapons Station Earle and Picatinny Arsenal. 

So, the assessment I was able to offer today was really the result of the collective action of all of these efforts, including continued work by local law enforcement and state officials. 

The work continues.  This is our assessment to date.  We will continue to look at this as hard as we can.  But it is really the result of an influx of resources and personnel applied to this particular problem set. 

I think the Pentagon already spoke to Wright-Patterson.  There was no — as I understand it, no disruption of operations.  I think some of the original reporting out of there was lacking some context that I think the Pentagon added to and provided. 

And, look, on intelligence, I would just say that this is a true interagency effort, and we’re all working really hard to apply the right resources to the problem set and to be as open and transparent with people as we can be.  And I think I best leave it at that.

Again, I want to foot-stomp what I said earlier.  It’s important for people to understand the ecosystem of drones over the skies of the United States.  I mean, there’s a lot of activity.  And again, the vast, vast, vast majority of it is legal and lawful.  And we believe — again, to date, our assessment is that the sightings thus far have been of that ilk.  But we’ll continue to keep looking.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  We have time for one more question, and we’ll go to Robin Wright.

Q    Thank you, John.  Can I take you further afield to Syria and ask you: Has there been any more contact between the United States and HTS?

And secondly, can you give us a sense of what Iran is doing in Syria?  The head of the IRGC said that there have been evacuations of 4,000 citizens from Iran.  Do you have a sense of what Iran is doing in the aftermath of Assad’s demise or what it’s planning to do?  Thank you.

MR. KIRBY:  I can tell you, on HTS, as Secretary Blinken indicated, we have been in direct contact with HTS, as we have been with other groups.  We also have indirect ways of communicating with all those groups as well, and we’re pulling on all those levers to make sure that we can very closely monitor this transition to what we hope will be — well, we hope it will be a peaceful transition, but to a stable, secure, sovereign Syria that meets the aspirations of its people. 

But I don’t have any additional or specifics about conversations with HTS, except to reiterate what Secretary Blinken said.  We have been in touch with them and I suspect we will be going forward. 

I also think, Robin, you shouldn’t — no one should expect that we’re going to get into a detailed readout of every single conversation that we have with every rebel group or opposition leader as it unfolds.  I wouldn’t expect that you’re going to see that. 

And as for Iran, you know, I would be lying to you if I said we had, you know, perfect visibility on everything that Iranian leaders are doing or deciding when it comes to Syria.  I can go so far as to say we certainly have seen indications that the Iranians are pulling people and resources out of Syria.  That is true.  But at what scale and on what timeline, it’s difficult for us to be very granular on that.  We just don’t have perfect visibility.  But it’s clear to us that they certainly weren’t willing or able to come to Assad’s rescue.  And in the aftermath of his departure, it’s clear to us that they are reevaluating, I think is the best way to put it, their presence in Syria and have already started to move some people and some resources out. 

That’s really as far as I can go.

MODERATOR:  Thank you.  And thank you, everyone, for joining us today.  As always, if we weren’t able to get to you, please reach out to the NSC press distro, and we’ll get back to you as soon as we can.  Thanks all.

5:24 P.M. EST

The post On-the-Record Press Gaggle by White House National Security Communications Advisor John Kirby appeared first on The White House.

Willard Hotel
Washington, D.C.

6:06 P.M. EST

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good evening, everyone.  (Applause.)  Good evening.  Good evening.  Good evening.  Happy Holidays.  And thank you all for what you are, what you have done, what you will do. 

Dr. Jill Biden, let me just say, it has been an extraordinary four years, as you have said.  And the work that we have done together — the four of us — I wish some of you were privy to seeing just, you know, before we come on stage when we’re hanging out in the back, or just those long nights when we’re talking about what we want to get done, the challenges we face, but our commitment to seeing it through.

And I’ll say about Jill Biden something that probably most of you know: She’s a tough cookie — (laughter) — who cares so deeply.  You know, Jill is tough.  She has a tough exterior.  She has one of the biggest hearts of anybody I know.  (Applause.)

She cares about the people.  The way she talks, for example, about her students, the way she talks about people who are often overlooked, are just not thought of in any way that they should be, that’s who Jill is.  And so, Jill, it’s been an extraordinary experience to work with you, and our friendship is lifelong, as you know, and I love you.  Thank you.  (Applause.)  Thank you. 

And can we hear it again for the first second gentleman of the United States — (applause) — also known as my Dougie.  (Laughter.) 

It is so good to be here with everyone this evening, including Chair Jaime Harrison, Finance Chair Chris Korge, and so many others.  (Applause.)

And we are here tonight to thank you all for the work that you have done.  And it has been tireless work. 

When it mattered most, through the entire campaign, including those 107 days, you all rallied.  You rallied.  You opened your homes.  You reached out to your friends and your family. 

You put your personal capital — and by that, I mean your relationships — at stake to talk with people because you care so deeply, and you connected with people and took the time to remind them of what is at stake and what was at stake. 

You sacrificed an extraordinary amount of time not doing other priorities in your life to focus on this campaign and, by extension, to focus on our country and its future. 

With your help, we brought together people from every walk of life and every background, all united by a deep love of country, all motivated by enthusiasm and joy in our fight for America’s future. 

And as a result of your leadership and your support, the National Finance Committee held more than 700 events across the country and raised nearly $700 million — (applause) — an historic achievement, which without a doubt made our campaign stronger. 

So, I thank you again for all you have done.  And I ask that — everyone here that you hold onto and know in your heart and in your spirit that everything you did made a difference and mattered and has impact that is lasting. 

All the work you did to bring these resources together allowed us to do rallies where people from every walk of life would come and they would look around and see that we are one community of people called Americans.  They would look and they would see people they had never met before and feel a sense of their own power in knowing that they are not alone and that we are all in this together. 

You gave people and allowed them to have that feeling, and that can’t be taken away. 

And as we look to the future, we will continue then to rely on your support to make sure our party can continue to do that kind of work, which is about being on the ground, being where the people are, going to them to organize and mobilize and remind people of the power of their voice. 

So, look, the holiday season is one of my favorite times of year — that and my birthday — (laughter) — and our — and our wedding anniversary, of course.  (Laughter.)  Just going to keep digging this hole deeper and deeper.  (Laughter.)

But it’s a time of gratitude and a time of celebration.  And so, it is so important this holiday season to remember we all have so much to celebrate. 

We have a country we love.  We have ideals that we’re very clear about in terms of their importance and the importance of us fighting for those ideals.  And we have each other.  And our work is about being intentional about building community.  Our work is about being intentional about building coalitions.  Our work is fueled by our knowledge that the vast majority of us have so much more in common than what separates us. 

We, who understand that we are all in this together.  We, who, as I like to say, look in the face of a stranger and see a neighbor.  That’s how we do our work.  And we, who know that the true measure of the strength of a leader is not based on who you beat down, it’s based on who you lift up.  (Applause.) 

And that spirit — the spirit with which we do our work — and hear me when I say this — that spirit that fuels the countless hours and days and months of work that you have put into this, that spirit can never be defeated.  Our spirit is not defeated.  We are not defeated.  Let’s be clear about that. 

We are strong.  We are clear about why we are in this.  And because you’re here right now, I say, again, thank you, because not only are you clear about all of that, you’re willing to put in the hard work.  And that work must continue.

We cannot let any circumstance or situation or individual ever take away our power to know why we do what we do and our ability to then get that work done.  And especially because we know what we stand for, and that’s why we know what to fight for. 

We here believe in the promise of America.  We believe in the promise of freedom, of justice, of opportunity and dignity not just so- — for some but for all. 

We know that fighting for the promise of America takes hard work — now, you all can help me finish this; many of you have heard me say it — but we like hard work.  Hard work is good work.  Hard work is joyful work.

And in the new year, we will continue our work with hope, with determination, and with joy. 

So, I’ll close by saying, this holiday season, like any time of the year, let us really be conscious of all the blessings we have.  Let us celebrate the blessings we have.  Let us celebrate in advance the blessings we have yet to create. 

And let us always remember our country is worth fighting for and our spirit will not be defeated.

And I promise you, I will be with you every step of the way.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

And with that, it is my great honor to introduce an incredible leader, who I have had the great blessing and honor and joy of working with for the last four years — spending time with this leader, be it in the Oval Office, the Situation Room, or just sitting around talking about, “Hey, I think we can get this Inflation Reduction Act done.  I think that actually people want a CHIPS and Science Act, and we can get it done.  I think that even though there have been, you know, about 150 years b- — since there’s been a real upgrade on America’s infrastructure, I think we can get it done.  Think we can get done bipartisan work around smart gun safety laws.” 

And I’m going to tell you something about Joe Biden.  He is relentless.  He never gives up.  He cares so deeply about the American people.  And he spends full time in all these places that I just mentioned, including on the world stage, fighting for the American people and fighting for our strength, the respect which we are due, our honor, and our ability to have vision that actually benefits people around the world.  And, most importantly, he is a dear friend to Doug and me and our family. 

I bring you our president, Joe Biden.  (Applause.) 

THE PRESIDENT:  Hello, hello, hello.  (Applause.) 

Hello, DNC.  (Applause.)

I want to thank Jaime Harrison for his leadership as chairman. 

There was a congressman down there in his state that called me one day.  He said, “Joe, you’re going to have to decide on a chairman.  Let me tell you who it is.”  (Laughs.)  I said, “Sure.  Whatever you say.”  (Laughter.)  Anyway, it turned out that, Jaime, you’ve done a hell of a job. 

And, you know, the fact is that when we started off — as you’ve heard me say many times, I didn’t plan on running again and — because things had changed in my life.  And — but I got a call from Chris Korge and — and others saying, “You know, we ought to do this.  There’s a lot at stake.” 

I spent my — I know I — you’ve heard me say it, but I know I only look like I’m 40, but — (laughter) — but I’ve been around a long time.  And there’s one advantage of having been the oldest president in American history: I’ve gotten to know virtually every world leader in the last 50 years. 

I know them pretty well.  And what I realized — and more intensely than I ever did before — that we are the essential country.  That’s not hyperbole.  It’s not about what we want to be. 

Ask yourself the question: If we don’t lead the world, who does?  Not a joke.  Who does?  Who leads if we don’t? 

And when I decided to run, it was so we — I thought we could win.  I determined I was going to have a c- — a — a — an administration that looked like America, representing every aspect of America.  And we’ve kept that commitment.  I don’t think anybody is going to be able to turn that around. 

And thanks to all of you for your support to the DNC.  Jill and I, Kamala and Doug could never have gotten to the White House without you.  And that’s not — again, not hyperbole.  We never could have gotten as much done as we did without you. 

You not only contributed to campaigns, but you were — you did something I think even more important.  You’re willing to lend your names, your reputations, and your character to the effort.  You signed that check, you knew what you were doing.  You were putting yourself on the line.  And we’re forever grateful for your character. 

The one thing I’ve always believed about public service, and especially about the presidency, is the importance of asking yourself: Have we left the country in better shape than we found it?

Today, I can say, without — with every fiber of my being, of all my heart, the answer to that question is a resounding yes — yes — (applause) — because of all of you assembled here.

We can be proud we’re leaving America in a better place today than when we came here four years ago. 

This country was living through the worst pandemic the country had seen in a hundred years.  Our economy was in a tailspin.  Millions of people were out of work.  Businesses were being shuttered.  Schools were closed.  And there was no plan for going forward.  Just two weeks before being sworn in, we had just witnessed something we thought would never happen in America: a violent insurrection, encouraged by the man sitting in the White House, on January the 6th.  And so much more.

We’ve come a long way since then.  We passed histor- — historic legislation — laws that literally — are literally building the strongest economy in the world.  There’s not a world leader you can name for me who d- — hasn’t told me at these G7, G20 meeting — all these meetings I meet with them — they wouldn’t trade place with us in a heartbeat.  Laws that, when fully implemented, are going to change America for decades to come. 

But we did know that many of the laws we passed were so consequential it wouldn’t be implemented right away.  It takes time to build those fabs, the factories for chips.  It takes time to get this construction going. 

Over $1.4 trillion in infrastructure — $1 trillion so far in private sector investments in America; the biggest investment ever in climate in the history of the world; and fundamentally transforming our economy to grow from the middle out and the bottom up, not just the top down. 

I fully believe that America is better positioned, because of all of you, to lead the world today than any point in the last 50 years of my career. 

That’s because of you.  Again, not hyperbole.  You lend your reputations, your names to this effort.  It’s not just the contributions you’ve made.  It’s just stepping up, putting yourself on the line.

You should be so damn proud of the work we’ve done together.  You should never forget all you’ve done for the country. 

I’m also proud that we can say we’ve done all this with a deep belief in the core values of America.  Those values are — were all created — I — you’ve heard me say it a hundred times.  You know, we’re the most unique nation in the world.  Every other nation was based on geography, religion, ethnicity, some common factor.  But in America, we were built on an idea — an idea — an idea — the only country in the world. 

We hold these truths — self-evident that all men and women are created equal.  Everyone should have a fair shot.  Hate should never have a safe harbor in America.  That’s what we’re about. 

We’ve never fully lived up to all of that, but we’ve never — we’ve — we’ve stuck with our principles and set a high standard of character, integrity in public life. 

Let me say, it’s been the honor of my life to serve as your president, but the title I’m most proud of is being Jill’s husband.  (Laughter and applause.)  No —

I know it’s well-known by now: I had to ask her five times.  Thank God, she said yes the fifth time.  (Laughter.)  But I think she’s been one of our greatest first ladies, and I mean that sincerely.  (Applause.)

She wasn’t kidding about the first speeches she made.  She was scared to death to go out and make those speeches.  But look at her now — whoa.  (Laughter.) 

Yo, I’m in trouble.  (The president makes the sign of the cross.)  (Laughter.) 

Well, look, it’s also been an incredible honor to serve with someone of immense character that she demonstrated through her entire career: Kamala Harris.  (Applause.) 

I knew what I was doing when I asked her to be my vice president.  I knew her.  I knew of her.  I knew about her.  I knew her record.  I trusted her.  She always served this country with purpose and integrity, and she always will. 

And you’re not going anywhere, kid, because we’re not going to let you go.  (Laughter and applause.)  You’re not going anywhere. 

You know, just as our great first second gentleman — (laughs) — I love that, “first second gentleman.”  (Laughter.)  This guy is one of the best lawyers in America.  This guy gave up a pra- — this — this guy is an incredible guy. 

And one thing we have in common — I used to practice the law for about 10 days, but I used to practice the law — (laughter) — and — but the thing Doug and I have in common: We both married way above our station.  (Laughter and applause.)

Thank you, Doug and Kamala, not only for your service, but Jill and I are grateful to call you dear friends. 

Look, let me close with this.  While our time in office is coming to an end, the America of our dreams is calling us to stay engaged.  We’re not — Jill and I — and I don’t think Kamala and — and Doug are — going anywhere.  We look to the future. 

It’s more important than ever to keep organizing, to keep talking to folks. 

We all get knocked down.  My dad would say, “When you get knocked down, you just got to get up.  Get up.” 

The measure of a person or a party is how fast they get back up, and to know what we believe in is really worth fighting for. 

That’s the road ahead: to never give up, to keep the faith, to know — to know that what we’re doing matters. 

I know.  I know I’m going to stay engaged.  I know Kamala and Jill and Doug are going to well — as well. 

And I know you will.  We need you, badly.  The country needs you, badly. 

We just have to remember — you’ve heard me say it a thousand times — remember who we are.  We’re the United States of America, for God’s sake. 

At — many of you are students of history.  No other nation in the world has come through every crisis stronger than they went into the crisis, and that — except the United States.

And, folks, look, all the things we passed — we knew people weren’t going to see it.  How long does it take to build a fab that’s going to h- — hire thousands of people?  Billions of dollars being invested.  It just takes time to get it built.  It takes time to get it going.  It’s not going to happen for another five, six months, in many places.  It’s just getting started. 

The United States of America — there’s nothing beyond our capacity when we do it together.  But we knew a lot of this was going to take time.  But look what’s out there: everything from the —

Anyway, I won’t get — I’ll get going.  (Laughter.)  But you really did a hell of a job.  I really mean it. 

And the thing I most admire about working with all of you: You have great integrity — great integrity.  You’ve stuck with the deal.  You’ve been honest.  You’ve been decent. 

We’ve run a — we ran a campaign that’s basically scandal-free.  That’s hard to do in American politics these days. 

Anyway, I just want to thank you very much from the bottom of my heart. 

The bad news for you all is I ain’t going nowhere.  (Laughter and applause.)  We’re going to stay engaged.

And having been listed the poorest man in Congress for 36 years, I may be able to actually contribute now.  (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, thank you very, very much.  You’re — you’re a group of the most decent people.  (Applause.)

God bless you all. 

Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.)

 6:28 P.M. EST

The post Remarks by President Biden and Vice President Harris at the Democratic National Committee’s Holiday Reception appeared first on The White House.

The White House

Thank you, Lieutenant General Anderson. Joe and I are so grateful to you and Lieutenant General Laster for your decades of service and leadership. Both of you have built inspiring careers guiding troops and giving back to our communities alongside your amazing Toys for Tots team.

To the senior spouses who are with us today: through your care and resolve, you lift up all of our military families. Your service doesn’t go unnoticed by the Commander-in-Chief. Thank you.

Welcome to the White House!

The festive music we’ve heard today is performed by the President’s Own Marine Band. Joe and I are grateful to them and to their families for their service, and for filling the White House with talent and grace.

Each year, we decorate this house for the holidays—and I’m so glad that all of you can be part of the magic.

Did you see the gingerbread house in the State Dining Room?

This season can be filled with excitement and wonder—with colorful lights and hot chocolate and presents. But if you only remember one thing from the holidays, after all the wrapping paper is cleaned up, let it be this: you are loved.

There are so many people who care about you—from your family and friends, to your teachers and classmates, to the President and me.

And the best thing we can do with that love is to let it overflow—to share it with others who might really need it.

I know that you already do this in so many ways: by caring for your siblings and cousins, by being a friend to a kid at school who feels lonely, and you’re doing it today, by helping more children experience the joy of the holidays.

You’re also part of a special group of kids who help everyone in our nation, through your families’ military service.

And I want to thank your parents—for your dedication to this country, for raising such wonderful kids, and for bringing delight to children across the nation who will have these gifts under their tree this year.

The President and I are grateful, and we’re honored to open the White House to all of you.

Merry Christmas and happy holidays.

And now, let’s get to sorting!

###

The post Remarks as Prepared for Delivery by First Lady Jill Biden at a Toys for Tots Event with Military Families appeared first on The White House.

Tel Aviv, Israel

5:23 P.M. IST

MR. SULLIVAN:  Good afternoon, everyone.  I want to start by taking a moment to reflect on the last year and take stock of where we are.  This is my seventh time visiting Israel as National Security Advisor.  I was here on October 18th of last year when I joined President Biden to send a strong signal of support to the Israeli people following the horrific terrorist massacres by Hamas on October 7th.

President Biden believed at the time it was important to come to Israel shortly after those attacks, becoming the first American President to visit Israel in a time of war, because he wanted the people of Israel and also the people of the world to see that the United States would stand with Israel in its time of need. 

A year after that trip, I was with the President in the Situation Room, where, for the second time in a period of five months, President Biden ordered the U.S. military to take direct action to defend Israel from a significant attack launched by Iran.  Side by side, U.S. Naval destroyers joined Israeli air defense to intercept a rainfall of inbound missiles, ballistic missiles fired directly from Iran. 

Over the past 15 months, we’ve remained vigilant to the further threats and attacks from Iran and its proxies, including Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. 

People seem to forget the basic fact of this conflict and these past 15 months: Israel did not seek or start this war.  Hamas started this war, invading Israel in military formations, killing 1,200 people, kidnapping and holding hostage hundreds more — Israeli citizens and citizens from around the world. 

Iran then made a fateful choice to join in and open a multifront war against Israel.  Backed by the ironclad security partnership with the United States, Israel has defeated two direct attacks from Iran and directly struck into Iran in response, degrading Iran’s military capability.

Hezbollah’s leaders are gone, and we have concluded a ceasefire in Lebanon, the terms of which made clear that Hezbollah can never again rebuild its terror infrastructure to threaten Israel. 

Hamas’s leaders are gone, including the masterminds of October 7th, and we will make sure that Hamas can never again threaten Israel as they did on October 7th, ever.

And now, the Assad regime in Syria is gone, removing the primary client state of Iran in the region and the lifeline to Hezbollah.

When Joe Biden said to those who seek to take advantage of October 7th and to use that tragic day to threaten and attack Israel, “Don’t,” this is what he meant, and we still mean it.  Don’t. 

The balance of power in the Middle East has changed significantly and not in the way that Sinwar or Nasrallah or Iran had planned. 

We are now faced with a dramatically reshaped Middle East in which Israel is stronger, Iran is weaker, its proxies decimated, and a ceasefire that is new and will be lasting in Lebanon that ensures Israel’s security over the long term. 

The purpose of my visit today has been to continue to build on this progress to ensure that that ceasefire sticks and is fully enforced; to capitalize on the opportunity of the fall of Assad for a better future for the people of Syria while vigilantly managing the risks that come with the change in Syria, including the possibility and the risk that terrorist groups like ISIS are able to take advantage and create new threats against the United States, Israel, and other countries in the region and around the world; to continue pressure on Iran while remaining vigilant against the continuing threat from Iran, including the threat from its nuclear program.  And President Biden remains committed to the simple proposition that the United States of America will never permit Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon.

And to build on all that we’ve done, we’re now looking to close a hostage release deal and a ceasefire, which would stop the war and reunite hostages with their families. 

Just over one year ago, we reached a deal that brought 78 hostages out of Gaza and home to their families.  It’s time to finish the job and bring all of the hostages home. 

Before departing Washington, I once again met with the families of the American hostages still held in Gaza.  I made a commitment to them, the same commitment that I’ve made every time I’ve met with them: that I will do everything in my power to try to bring their loved ones home, to do my best to help them see their loved ones again.  I had them in mind today when I met with Prime Minister Netanyahu, Minister Dermer, and the security team to try to bring us closer to a deal.  And from here, I plan to travel to Doha and then on to Cairo to continue to advance this effort. 

A ceasefire and hostage deal would start bringing those hostages home.  It would also allow for a massive surge in humanitarian assistance.  We discussed the humanitarian situation and the suffering of Palestinian civilians in Gaza today.  We discussed recent steps taken to increase the flow of much-needed assistance and further steps that need to be taken in the days ahead. 

It is an American commandment and a Jewish commandment that every innocent life has value.  I have previously quoted a poem that means a great deal to my family, a poem from John Donne, which says, “Any man’s death diminishes me, because I am involved in mankind.”  That is the spirit that the United States has brought to this conflict — to stand up strongly in the defense of the State of Israel and try to reduce suffering of innocent people wherever they may be. 

We are now in the midst of a political transition.  I have been engaging my successor, the incoming National Security Advisor, in a professional and serious way on all of the issues that affect the State of Israel, the threats and the opportunities.  And we’ve had good discussions, constructive and substantive discussions, and those will continue to ensure that there is a smooth handoff on January 20th. 

There’s also something else important in those discussions, which is that it is my personal commitment to ensure that the U.S.-Israel partnership rests on a solid bipartisan foundation going forward.  And I’m going to continue to do everything I can to contribute to that, because I believe it is in my country’s interest and the interest of the State of Israel. 

So, thank you for bearing with me as I set the context for my visit today, report on some of the things we discussed and the current events, and I will be happy to take your questions. 

Yeah.

Q    Michelle Kelemen with NPR.

MR. SULLIVAN:  Hi, Michelle.

Q    Do you get the sense that Netanyahu is waiting for Trump to reach a hostage deal?  And if so, do you think the hostages can survive until then?

MR. SULLIVAN:  I believe that every day brings increasing risk, which is why there’s such urgency to try to get this deal.  Obviously, we’ve seen the tragic death of hostages since the massacres of October 7th and over the course of the past 15-months conflict. 

So as soon as we can close this deal, we should close this deal in the interest of bringing those hostages home. 

The answer to your first question is: No, I do not get that sense.  I got the sense today from the Prime Minister he’s ready to do a deal.  And when I go to Doha and Cairo, my goal will be to put us in a position to be able to close this deal this month, not later. 

Now, we’ve been close before and haven’t gotten there, so I can’t make any promises or predictions to you, but I wouldn’t be here today if I thought this thing was just waiting until after January 20th.  I am here today because I believe every day matters, and we are going to use every day we have to try to close the deal as soon as we possibly can.

Yeah.

Q    Thanks, Jake.  Jake, what new concessions have Israel and Hamas made or indicated that they are prepared to make? We’ve seen, in particular, reports that Hamas is willing to allow Israeli troops to remain along Netzarim and Philadelphi for longer than previously.  Can you confirm that Hamas has provided a list of hostages who they would release?

And then, just on Syria as well, if you could comment.  The Israeli military has conducted nearly 500 strikes in recent days on Syrian military assets, not only chemical weapons depots but also missiles, helicopters, things that presumably a new Syrian army would need in the future to maintain stability inside of Syria.  Are you at all concerned about the impact of those Israeli strikes?  And did the Prime Minister provide you with any assurances about how long these strikes will continue for, if indeed they will?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So, on your first question, I’m sorry to disappoint you, but I can’t negotiate in public on the terms of the hostage deal.  I’ll leave the details where they belong, which is behind closed doors among the parties and the mediators.  And as soon as we come to something that is an agreed document to bring forward, we will bring it forward and you can see all of its terms. 

With respect to Syria, what Israel is doing is trying to identify potential threats, both conventional and weapons of mass destruction, that could threaten Israel and, frankly, threaten others as well, and neutralize those threats.  That is part of its effort to protect the country in the midst of a very fluid situation.

We are in deep consultations with the Israeli government about where this goes from here, what that will look like in the days and weeks ahead.  I’m going to leave it at that for now.  But the efforts taken to date really have been focused on the types of capabilities that could represent a genuine threat to the State of Israel. 

Yeah. 

Q    Hi.  Thank you so much.  Owen Alterman from i24NEWS. Two questions that are related. 

First of all, we’ve seen reports in the last few days of American-backed Kurdish troops that have been shooting at and been shot by Turkish-backed troops in northeastern Syria.  What are the red lines of Turkish involvement in that part of the country from the perspective of the administration?

And the second question: There’s concern in Israel that Turkish activity in Syria could ultimately, in the medium term even, be hostile to us and be hostile activities up to and including on our border.  What kind of assurances can you give the Israeli public that that scenario won’t materialize?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So, first, our commitment to our partnership with the Syrian Kurds, especially the Syrian Democratic Forces, is deep and resolute.  And that commitment exists because we are in a partnership with them to fight ISIS.  And they have been very capable counterterrorism partners not just in suppressing the threat from ISIS, but also in holding ISIS terrorists in large numbers in detention facilities in eastern Syria.  And we want to make sure that that ongoing work is not disturbed. 

Second, our own commitment to the continued defeat — work to defeat ISIS has just been renewed in a quite vigorous way over the weekend with a series of strikes on ISIS personnel and facilities in the central Syrian Desert, dozens and dozens of targets that we hit with real, intense American capability, B-52s.  And what we are saying with that strike is we are going to continue to hit any ISIS threat where we find it, and we’re going to work with our partners to do so. 

I have learned, maybe both the easy way and the hard way, not to speak about red lines in this part of the world publicly, so I do not intend to do so from this podium.  But I do want to just make the point that we are engaged both in consultations with our Kurdish partners.  In fact, General Kurilla was just recently very deeply in conversation with our Kurdish partners.  And we are in conversations with Turkey as well about our expectations and about what we see as the best way forward. 

I think those conversations are serious, they’re intense, they’re ongoing.  They have already produced some results, including this de-escalation around Manbij that both Turkey and the Kurds have kind of informally signed up to.  All of that is tenuous.  It is fragile.  It is something that is going to require ongoing work and cultivation, and it is something that we will be very vigilant to as a top priority going forward.  But beyond that, I cannot comment further today.

Q    What about assurances did Israel (inaudible) about Turkish activity in Syria (inaudible)?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So, we look at the situation in Syria as having a range of different risks presented, including the potential for fracture in that state, as well as power vacuums that can give rise to terrorist groups that can threaten beyond borders, as well as the potential for groups to be in charge in Damascus who bear hostile intent to outside forces, including to neighbors like Israel. 

All of those are possibilities.  All of those are risks that President Biden has spoken to publicly and that we are dealing with partners on privately, including dealing with the Turks, who do have some measure of influence here, and where we have set out our views and expectations. 

But again, given the nature of the situation, given the sensitivity, given the urgency, it’s important, I think, for us to be able to carry out those conversations behind closed doors as we make progress, and then we will share with you the results. 

Yeah.

Q    Jake, Raf Sanchez from NBC News.  I know you’re not going to negotiate in public here, but there does seem to be more flexibility from both Israel and Hamas right now.  What do you attribute that to?  Is it the killing of Sinwar?  Is it the weakening of Hezbollah?  Is it President-elect Trump injecting urgency into this?

And just on Syria, the Israeli government is saying its presence in the buffer zone and outside of it, inside Syria itself, is temporary.  Do you believe them that it’s temporary?  Did the Prime Minister give you a sense of what conditions would need to be met before Israel would withdraw?

MR. SULLIVAN:  We didn’t go into deep detail on the conditions, other than to say that those conditions would require Israel to feel that the kinds of understandings that were in place before the fall of the Assad regime to ensure stability, predictability, and security for Israel are put back into place. 

And, yes, we do have every expectation that it will be temporary.  The Prime Minister, the Israeli government have made that point not just to the United States, but have made that point publicly, and we take them at their word that that is the intention here as we work through a new arrangement that can ensure that Israel is secure in light of the risks that have been laid out in previous questions. 

There are any number of reasons for why contexts change in negotiations, especially in a situation as fluid as this, but I would point out that Hamas’s posture at the negotiating table did adapt following the announcement of the ceasefire between Israel and Lebanon.  Why is that?  It’s because, for months, we believe Hamas was waiting for lots of other actors and forces to come to their rescue, to come to their aid.  And when we got that ceasefire, it was clear that the northern front had been decoupled from Gaza.  And from that moment forward, we’ve had a different character to the negotiation, and we believe that it puts us in a position to be able to close this negotiation. 

It is also, of course, relevant that Israel’s ability to meet so many of its military objectives in Gaza is relevant to the negotiation too, including the elimination of the top leader, Sinwar; other authors of that October 7th massacre; and the dismantlement, the destruction of the organized military formations of Hamas. 

So these are relevant considerations that we think have put this onto a plane where it could get done.  Whether it does get done still depends on both sides ultimately signing on the proverbial dotted line. 

The last thing I will say with respect to the incoming administration is, actually, we’ve had, as I said in my opening comments, very good consultation and coordination with them, including on this issue, where we keep them apprised of how the negotiations are unfolding.  We talk to them about how we can send a common message that the United States, no matter who’s sitting in the Oval Office, no matter whose party is in charge, wants to see this ceasefire and hostage deal and see it now.  That is all part of the American contribution to an effort to ultimately produce an outcome here, and we’re going to keep working until we get it done. 

Yeah.

Q    Thank you, Mr. Sullivan.  (Inaudible), Channel 14.  Regarding the continuation of passage of humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip, knowing what we know now, that Hamas takes advantage of this aid and holds it as a leverage for its own rule, was it a mistake by your administration to push Israel to maintain the transport of humanitarian aid and, by that, to strengthen Hamas?

MR. SULLIVAN:  It absolutely was not a mistake for the United States to seek to ensure that women and children and innocent people in Gaza, who have nothing to do with this fight but who, in fact, are being put in harm’s way by the way Hamas fights — using schools and mosques as terror infrastructure, hiding behind civilians, making it that much more difficult for Israel to carry the fight against Hamas and destroy its capabilities — those people deserve the basic sustenance of life.  They deserve food, water, medicine, sanitation. 

And, by the way, that’s not just an American position; that’s a requirement under international humanitarian law.  And it is also the position of this Israeli government, who is not standing up saying we should give no humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza.  They’re saying something different.

Now, we have viewed various critical points over the course of the past 15 months as moments where not enough was getting in to ensure that people had what they needed to survive.  And we made no bones about pressing on that.  Because we think, at the end of the day, feeding starving children does not harm the security of the State of Israel, but it does vindicate our common shared values of humanity. 

And so, as I said in my remarks, the American commandment, the Jewish commandment that every innocent life has value, that is a present factor and it’s something we have to take seriously, even as we take seriously that Israel has every right — indeed a duty — to go after its enemies with everything it’s got.  You have done that, and we have backed you in going after your enemies, Hamas, Hezbollah, and Iran itself.  We have helped defend you against attacks, including from Iran itself.  And we have also stood up to say: Let’s make sure that Israel is not responsible for the third famine of the 21st century. 

We think that that is the right way to pursue a principled and just and strong, robust policy, and we will continue to do that as long as we’re in office. 

Yeah. 

Q    (Inaudible) Jewish Insider.  Do you have any update on the three Americans who are still believed to be alive?

MR. SULLIVAN:  I only can tell you that we have received the tragic news about the passing of Gadi and Judi and Itay and Omer all on October 7th, and of course, the godawful killing of Hersh during the course of this conflict.

We believe the other three Americans are alive.  We don’t have a proof of life from such a short time ago that I can tell you that for certain, but we believe that they are.  And of course, we saw the video of Edan Alexander. 

So we are operating on the proposition that there are seven Americans being held in Gaza currently — three of them alive, four of them deceased — and we want to bring all seven of them home. 

Yeah.

Q    Thank you.  Itamar (inaudible) from (inaudible).  I wanted to ask you if there is a linkage between the hostage deal and the ceasefire deal and the normalization between Israel and Saudi Arabia.  Is it realistic to bring about a deal, a normalization deal, before January 20?

MR. SULLIVAN:  These are not linked.  The ceasefire and hostage deal is something we are pursuing on its own, because it is, we believe, a humanitarian imperative to bring the hostages home, and it is in the strategic interests of the State of Israel because all of its interests, its core interests, are protected in that deal.  We also believe it’s in the interest of the Palestinian people because it will allow for this surge in humanitarian assistance. 

So we are pushing for that deal on its own terms, for its own purposes, because we want to follow through on our commitment to do everything possible to get the hostages home.  So, there is no link there. 

Of course, we continue to believe in a long-term vision for the region of normalization and integration, and the President has laid that out.  And everything we do, we want to point in that direction.  But I don’t have any updates for you today on the question of normalization. 

Yeah.

Q    Thank you.  Gil Tamari, Channel 13 Israel.  I would like to follow up on one of my colleague’s questions.  The Prime Minister said today that Israel will continue to hold the territory in the buffer zone until there will be a governed force in Syria that will be able to oblige to the 1974 agreement.  And as you may know, this might take years.  So I would like to know if the United States is satisfied with the long-term Israeli position of — possession of the buffer zone. 

And also, is the G7 statement relay also to Israel when talking about the territory of Syria? 

And I know you cannot take us into the negotiation regarding the hostage, but can you give us the feeling?  What makes you this time a little bit more optimistic?  I know you hate to use the word “hopeful,” but what makes you this time a little bit more optimistic?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So, first, on the question of Israel’s move into that border zone in Syria: This is a fluid situation.  Fast-moving.  I would submit that everyone in this room, both sitting in these chairs and behind the cameras, was not thinking about the fall of Assad one month ago.  So that’s how fast things are moving. 

What Israel saw was an immediate threat, the collapse of a structure that had been in place for a long time and the potential for that vacuum to be filled by a direct, proximate threat right across its border.  So it moved in to fill that threat.  That, from the United States’ perspective, is logical and consistent with Israel’s right to self-defense. 

How this plays from here: We are a few days into this, so we will stay in close consultation with our Israeli partners, as well as with stakeholders in Syria, as well as with stakeholders across the region, and we will develop and elaborate a perspective on the best way forward in a coordinated way. 

And I just can’t sit here today and begin projecting out years into the future, given that just days ago, Assad still sat in Damascus. 

With respect to why there is more optimism in the air, shall we say, I think it’s partly for the reason that I laid out, which is: I do believe the ceasefire in Lebanon has generated a different context.  I actually believe that the loss of Iran’s client state in Syria has contributed to that different context.  Israel’s military progress against Hamas’s infrastructure formations and senior leaders has contributed to that context.  So, the surround sound of these negotiations is different today than it has been in the past. 

And then, the other point is that the people involved in these negotiations seem to me to have a little bit of a different feel about things than they did before.  That’s less measurable but I think still present.  And so —

Q    (Inaudible) not negotiating directly with Hamas.

MR. SULLIVAN:  No, I’m not referring to the Prime Minister.  I’m not referring to the Prime Minister. 

So those are the reasons why.  But, look, we have been in a place before where American officials have stood before podiums and said we are close, and we were close but we didn’t get there.  I believe we are close again.  Will we get there?  It is not yet clear whether we will or we won’t, but we are determined to try to drive this across the finish line. 

I’ll take two more questions.  Yeah. 

Q    So as we get ready — Maayan Hoffman from The Media Line.  As we get ready to, potentially, as you said, optimistically sign some kind of ceasefire or hostage deal, that would be, presumably, with Hamas.  And ultimately, the goal was to eradicate Hamas, to move them politically out of ruling Gaza.  As we sign the ceasefire, is there any indication or vision for Hamas continuing, therefore, to rule Gaza in some perspective, or do you have a vision of somebody else taking over in the interim?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So if you go back to President Biden’s speech in late May, laying out the terms of a phased ceasefire and hostage deal, the basic elements of and the basic framework of that deal are still live and part of the discussions that are happening today. 

In that speech, he said that this is a roadmap to end the war, and it’s a roadmap to a future of Gaza without Hamas in power.  Now, there’s a lot of steps between here and there, which is why a deal like this proceeds in phases.  But that has been the stated position of the United States government going back several months. 

Q    But is there any progress (inaudible)?

MR. SULLIVAN:  What I would just say is: The first thing that we need to do is get into the initial phase of the ceasefire and hostage deal; begin to produce the actual releases, the images of hostages being welcomed home to their families, as we saw a year ago with the 78 who were released.  And then, the terms of the deal are built on the idea that there will be ongoing discussions, diplomacy, negotiations to move from phase one to phase two.  So that’s an ongoing process that will continue. 

Final question.  Yeah.

Q    Thank you.  You have said before that you believe Prime Minister Netanyahu is willing to reach an agreement, and the defense minister has said yesterday it is possible; he told it to Secretary Austin.  How close are we?  And have you heard from Israeli officials that they will be willing to stop — to end the war if we will get all the hostages back?  And can you honestly say that, after 14 months, Prime Minister Netanyahu has done everything in his power to bring the hostages back home, and it’s not Hamas have been always the obstacle?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So I expected a question on kind of who’s responsible for this or for that, for the other thing.

I view my job and America’s duty as taking where we are today, which is close — I believe close — and bridging that final distance until we actually get into a deal. 

Again, I want to reinforce that we can’t rest until it actually happens.  It might not happen.  But I believe it can happen with political will on both sides.  The Israeli government has indicated, including the Prime Minister, they would like to see this done.  We see movement from Hamas.  We see commitment from the mediators.  And I will go to Doha and Cairo to try to ensure the final impetus is there to bring this all together. 

Beyond that, I’m not going to characterize the state of play, other than to say the reason that we are so determined to do this is, at one level, fundamentally human, which is to get people safely home to their families and to create calm for a period where suffering people in Gaza can get relief.  But it goes at another level, deeply strategic.  We think it is in the American strategic interest, as well as in the strategic interest of Israel, to do this deal.  That’s true of the current administration.  It is true of the incoming administration.  It is true across the aisle in the United States.  And that’s why we’re going to continue to work together to try to get this done. 

Thank you all very much.

5:53 P.M. IST

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Thank you so much Janice, and hello AGU! It’s great to be back here with all of you.

We’re coming together at a crucial moment for the future of science…and the future of our planet.

We’ve just lived through a year defined by the climate crisis, in every corner of the world.

July 22nd was the hottest day in recorded history. 2024 will be the hottest year in recorded history.

Just this week, scientists reported that the Arctic tundra is now releasing more carbon into the atmosphere than it is absorbing.

The consequences of living on a rapidly warming planet are all around us…and not just in collapsing coral reefs and melting ice sheets…but in people’s lives.

This summer, the city of Phoenix experienced more than 113 straight days over 100 degrees Fahrenheit.

This fall, Hurricanes Helene and Milton slammed into the southeastern United States, killing hundreds and cutting off power and water in communities for weeks.

The worst drought in decades in southern Africa is putting 20 million children at risk of malnutrition and even starvation.

Wildfires and drought are ravaging the Amazon and the Pantanal, destroying Indigenous communities and burning up an area the size of Switzerland. I saw the impacts myself when I flew over the Brazilian Amazon with the President last month.

In September, supercharged Typhoon Yagi killed hundreds and caused $16 billion in damages from the Philippines to Myanmar.

Catastrophic floods in Spain poured a year’s worth of rain in a single day in October.

When all of these disasters are happening more frequently and with more intensity, we know something is terribly wrong with our planet. 

It’s the climate crisis. It’s caused by humans. And it’s very real—and the scientific community has been telling us so for more than fifty years.

Now is the moment when we have to go big and move forward on climate action—not backward.

But starting next month, we will again have a President whose relationship to climate change is captured by the words “hoax” and “drill baby drill.”

For those of us dedicated to climate action, the result of the U.S. election is obviously bitterly disappointing.

But while the United States federal government under Donald Trump may put climate action on the back burner, the work to build a clean energy economy and protect our planet is going to continue in our country with commitment and passion and belief.

The historic climate investments that President Biden and Vice President Harris have made over the past four years have a long tail…and will continue to make an impact on emissions and people’s lives for years to come.

At the center of their agenda is the Inflation Reduction Act, which made the largest investment in climate and clean energy in not only the history of the United States—but the history of the world.

More than two years after the law passed, we’ve largely implemented it.

Last week, we announced that federal agencies have now awarded more than $100 billion through the IRA—nearly 90 percent of the funding available to spend.

Even more importantly, the law has been government-enabled but private-sector led.

Treasury Department guidance is available on 21 out of 24 IRA tax credit provisions…which has provided clarity and certainty to the clean energy industry and unleashed a manufacturing and deployment boom.

And we will finalize guidance on clean hydrogen and the new technology-neutral clean electricity generation credits later this month.

Since President Biden took office, companies have announced about $450 billion in new clean energy investments.

We’ve seen more than 400,000 clean energy jobs created in that time.

And these projects will continue getting built and bringing new economic opportunity to communities of all stripes.

In fact, all of this economic activity has turned the Inflation Reduction Act from a law that no Republican voted for…to something that a growing number of Republicans are now defending.

According to Climate Power, 57 percent of the new clean energy jobs created since the Inflation Reduction Act passed are located in Congressional districts represented by Republicans.

Those jobs come from new clean energy projects totaling $286 billion in investment.

Republican governors, especially, know what that investment means for their constituents.

And earlier this year, 18 House Republicans wrote a letter to Speaker Mike Johnson urging him not to repeal the IRA’s energy tax credits.

The letter says, “a full repeal would create a worst-case scenario where we would have spent billions of taxpayer dollars and received next to nothing in return.”

It’s precisely because the IRA has staying power that I am confident that the United States will continue to reduce emissions – benefitting our own country and benefitting the world.

The economics of the clean energy transition have simply taken over.

New power generation is going to be clean.

The desire to build out next generation nuclear is still there and growing stronger.

Farmers and ranchers are reducing emissions and raising their incomes through more efficient and biologic fertilizers, biodigesters, and feed additives.

The hyperscalers are still committed to powering the future with clean energy, including safe, reliable nuclear energy.

The auto companies are still investing in electrification and hybridization.

All those trends are not going to be reversed.

Are we facing new headwinds? Absolutely.

But will we revert back to the energy system of the 1950s? No way.

As I’ve said before, this is not the end of our fight for a cleaner, safer planet—far from it.

This fight is bigger than one election, one political cycle, in one country.

Facts are still facts. Science is still science.

And that science is no doubt going to be under attack.

We need to work together to protect the scientific process…to ensure that scientists have the independence they need to maintain the highest degree of integrity…and to communicate that investing in fundamental research boosts America’s competitiveness and security.

AGU has a huge role to play in advocating for these protections and being a global beacon for scientific integrity and collaboration.

We’re counting on you—the world’s scientists—to keep telling us the truth about what’s happening to our planet and our communities.

Over the next four years, the impacts of climate change will only multiply.

Public awareness and public concern about this problem will only expand.

And the urgency to increase public and private investment in clean technologies will only grow.

Every single one of you has the agency to keep doing your work.

To make the connection to the climate crisis crystal clear.

And to communicate your findings to the public without fear or hesitation…not only here in the U.S. but around the world…because climate change transcends borders and so should climate science.

The American people, and the entire world, will need your talents and expertise to guide them through the next four years and then the next forty.

We owe all of you—and the entire scientific community—a debt of gratitude for the work you’ve already done…and the work you will continue to do.

And know that so many Americans…and the majority of people around the world…are going to have your back while you’re doing it.

A better future is still possible…one where every child breathes clean air and drinks clean water…one where every community benefits from growing, clean industries of the future…one where our kids and grandkids get to experience Earth’s natural beauty like we have.

We can still create that future…as long as we stay focused on it…as long as we work together…and as long as we hold our heads high while we’re doing it.

So let’s make it happen.

Thank you.

###

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East Room

11:36 A.M. EST
 
THE FIRST LADY:  You’re so quiet.  It’s like a classroom.  (Laughter and applause.) 
 
So, in the intermission, were you all, like, dancing and everything?  (Laughter.)  Get a little movement.  You know, you’ve been sitting for a while.
 
So, thank you for standing.  But, you know, I’m glad you get a little — like you said, Robin, a little movement, right?  It’s — that’s what it’s all about.
 
So — oh, please sit down.  Please.  (Laughter.)  If you feel all stretched out by now.
 
So, before I begin, I just want to say I’m so glad that you got to come here today because the White House is decorated.  (Applause.)  And the theme this year is “Peace and Light.”  So, I hope that you all feel that sense of, you know, peace and light and that, just for a moment, when you leave here today, that you feel — I don’t know — a little — a sense of joy, because I think we all need, like, this — you know, we all need to feel joy now during this — this time of the season, during — just during this time. 
 
So, anyway — (laughter) — okay.  Now I’ll start.  You’re all reading into that.  (Laughter.) 
 
Anyway, for decades, for centuries even, at dinner tables and in waiting rooms, in whispered conversations, you know, when we meet our friends for coffee, women have been talking to each other about our health.  Isn’t that true?
 
AUDIENCE:  Yes.
 
THE FIRST LADY:  So, today, we brought that conversation to the White House.  (Applause.)  Today, we are saying to women everywhere: We hear you, and we will get you the answers you need.
 
So, thank you for joining us for the White House Conference on Women’s Health Research.
 
The United States has the best health research in the world, yet women’s health is understudied and research is underfunded.  And so many of you have said this.  And the United States economy loses $1.8 billion in working time every year to menopause symptoms that upend women’s lives.
 
And that’s what Maria Shriver and I talked about on that Saturday afternoon in April last year.  So, Maria keeps this quote next to her phone — you have a stationary phone?  (Laughter.) 
 
MS. SHRIVER:  (Inaudible.)  (Laughter.)
 
THE FIRST LADY:  — in her office, and it says, “Why go to the moon?”  And your uncle, President Kennedy, asked, “We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things not because they are easy, because they are hard.”
 
So, Maria, thank you for carrying on that mission, pushing for breakthroughs that are never easy but possible.  Thank you.  (Applause.) 
 
So, a little more than a year ago, President Biden launched — thank you, Joe — (laughter) — the first-ever White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research, building on the foundation of decades of work in women’s health from many of you in this room.
 
And Carolyn made sure yesterday, as we were doing speech prep, that I understood — she said, “Jill, you know, I know that we’re doing this now, but there are some women” — like Carolyn — “who’s been doing this research forever and ever and ever.”  And I just want you — to say we — we recognize that.  So — (applause).
 
So, it — you heard from Carolyn, you know, our incredible — and our incredible team here at the White House who’s ensured that government-funded research, you know — and they will include women from the beginning.
 
And that means designing studies and separating the data, which everyone has said, and reporting findings to create treatments specifically for women and for we- — men.  I mean, we’re not going to leave you guys out.  (Laughter.)
 
And we’ve invested nearly $1 billion in this research on women’s health.  (Applause.)
 
So, a- — over this past year, I’ve traveled around the country, and I have met, honestly, some really incredible researchers.  And I’ve been to universities and the New York Stock Exchange to bring people together and create connections across industries. 
 
And the women of this country are paying attention.  Researchers and business leaders are too. 
 
So, we brought all of you into this room to elevate all this information: discoveries that will change how we treat menopause symptoms — we’ve talked about this all this morning; research that uses genetics to find the cause of extreme morning sickness.  And I heard this a couple weeks ago, and I was particularly interested because my own granddaughter was going through the same thing — because we’re going to be great-grandparents.  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)
 
So, funders and founders who are seeing the market for women’s health products triple, advocates who are making sure that women know that solutions are at our fingertips if we just keep fighting for them.
 
Together, we’ve laid down a new line, a marker of our progress toward closing the gaps in women’s health.  Everything that you’ve heard today — and hasn’t it been, like, so informative and fascinating?  I mean, I love these forums because I always learn something new.  I just — you know, it’s just so inspiring.  Because this is our new normal. 
 
And today isn’t the finish line; it’s the starting point.  We — all of us, we have built the momentum.  Now it’s up to us to make it unstoppable.
 
It has been the honor of my life to serve as your first lady and to join you in this work, but my work doesn’t stop in January when Joe and I leave this house.  I will keep building alliances, like the ones that brought us here today, and I will keep pushing for funding for innovative research.  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)
 
So, join me.  Be the researcher who makes sure that each proposal you work on considers women from the beginning.  Be the investor who searches for the next breakthrough product of [or] treatment.  Be the voice in every space, from boardrooms to classrooms to laboratories, who asks, “What are we doing to advance women’s health?”
 
Let’s make a promise to all those women out there right now, sitting in a parking lot somewhere, in a doc- — after a doctor’s appointment, wondering why you’re not being heard — so, maybe feeling, you know, like you’re all alone.
 
And — well, I’ll just have to stop here for one second.  I did hear during that little intermission thing — like, we’re not putting our doctors down — right? — so, some doc ba- — in the back said, “You know, it sounds like you’re putting the docs down.”  We’re not putting the docs down.  I don’t want you to feel that way.  That, you know — but I think the docs are joining us and saying, “Hey, we want the answers.”  So, I just want to make that 100 percent clear.
 
So, the White House, all of us here, we will keep fighting for you until your worries turn into answers, your symptoms into solutions.  Until women everywhere benefit from the lifesaving and world-changing research that we know is possible. 
 
A new future can ring out from this conference, one that — one that answers the call from women who have been waiting for too long.  Let this be the moment that we push harder, the moment that people say changed the world of women’s health forever. 
 
Thank you.  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)  Thank you.  Thank you.  (Applause.) 
 
Thank you.  Thank you very much.  Please.
 
So, I’m so grateful to have a president who — (laughs) — who heard us — (laughter) — and took action quickly.  So, without Joe, really, this wouldn’t have been made possible.  And that’s the power of someone who understands how to make things happen in government — because God knows, Joe, you’ve been for — what? — 50 years.  (Laughter.)  (The president makes the sign of the cross.) 
 
So, someone who has fundamentally shifted how our nat- — nation approaches women’s health research.
 
So, please welcome my husband, your president and champion, I think, of all of us.  So, my husband, Joe Biden.  Come on, Joe.  (Applause.)
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  (Applause.) 
 
Thank God she said “yes” the fifth time I asked her to marry me.  (Laughter.) 
 
Please have a seat. 
 
You know, I — as they used to say in the Senate, a point of personal privilege: I — when — no man deserves one great love, let alone two.  When I was introduced to Jill, my younger brother — my youngest brother said, “You’ll love her; she hates politics.”  (Laughter.) 
 
Well, look, I — hello, everyone.  My name is Joe Biden; I’m Jill Biden’s husband.  (Laughter.)  Let’s be honest, we wouldn’t be here today without Jill. 
 
Across our administration and across Congress, across the country, the work we’re doing on women’s health research is some of the most important work this administration has ever done.
 
And I’ve always believed that our nation is at its best when we — when we plumb the endless possibilities that exist for all our women and girls.  And that includes their health.
 
Women on- — are half our population, to state the obvious.  But like Jill said, for too long, they’ve been underrepresented when it comes to health research.  And that’s real. 
 
You know, that’s why, over a year ago, we launched the first-ever White House Initiative on Women’s Health Research.  And the goal was to fundamentally change and improve how we approach and invest in women’s health research — we weren’t doing enough of it — and to pioneer the next generation of scientific research and discoveries that are going to improve care for — women receive all across the country.
 
Because the fact is the health of our moms and grandmothers, sisters and daughters, friends and colleagues affects not just women’s well-being but the prosperity of the entire nation.  And that’s a fact.  We haven’t gotten that through to the other team yet.  (Laughter.)  No — no, I mean it, across the board.  Anyway, I won’t get into that.  (Laughter.)
 
But that’s why, in my State of the Union address this year, I called on Congress to invest $12 billion in women’s health research to benefit millions of lives — (applause) — and families and communities all across America.
 
Folks, but my administration wasn’t going to wait for Congress to secure the funding.  We looked for other ways to prioritize women’s health with existing dollars that are already in the government and to get important work started.
 
And I knew where to start: Rosa DeLauro.  (Applause.)  Rosa, stand up.  I’m not joking.  As they say in souther- — you all think I’m kidding.  I’m not kidding.  (Laughter.)  She’s incredible.  Every important thing I’ve ever tried to get done that no one paid attention to, you were there for me.  I mean it sincerely.  You’re the best, Rosa.  What you did on Child Tax Credit — I mean, across the board. 
 
And, folks, women’s health is — is a — something that — that matters so, so very much.  Along with members that are here today, you — she’s going to keep this effort going to — when we leave.  When we leave — when Jill and I leave.
 
AUDIENCE MEMBER:  Fight like hell.  (Laughter.)
 
THE PRESIDENT:  Well, we’re going to fight like hell.  And w- — I — I’m the — we’re — we’re no longer going to be president and first lady, but we’re not going away.  (Laughter.)  And so — (applause).
 
Along with members here, like Diane [Diana] and Lauren.  Where — where is Diane [Diana]? 
 
REPRESENTATIVE DEGETTE:  Right here. 
 
THE PRESIDENT:  There you go.  Stand up, kiddo.  Let them see you.  (Applause.)
 
And, Lauren, thank you. 
 
So, I’m so proud that, to date, we’ve secured $1 billion so far in women’s health research from different government agencies.
 
You know, our new agency, ARPA-H, which is patterned after Advanced — it’s called Advanced Research Projects and Agencies for Health — is based on DARPA, which is the Defense Department program for Advanced Research and Projects Agency.  That drove breakthroughs — the Defense Department broke breakthroughs in everything from the Internet to GPS.  It had a big budget for doing everything else, but it also had this specific individual budget. 
 
And ARPA-H does for biomedicine what DARPA does for technology, driving breakthroughs to prevent, detect, and treat diseases, including cancer, Alzheimer’s, diabetes, and so much more.  We’re using their funding to drive breakthroughs in women’s health in ovarian cancer and menopause, in migraines, in high blood pressure for pregnant women.
 
The National Institute of Health is using their funding to break down the silos — a lot of silos in government, a lot of silos across the — in America — to make more progress and do it more quickly.
 
For example, we know that heart disease is the leading cause of death for women.  But we don’t know — we don’t know enough about how menopause may affect heart disease.  And that’s going to change now.  We’re going to learn so much more.
 
And the Department of Defense is dedicating funds to research women’s health issues like arthritis, cancer, chronic fatigue that affect women in the military, but this research is going to benefit all women — all women.
 
Our work doesn’t stop here.
 
Look, you know, the addition to — in addition to launching the Women’s Health Research Initiative earlier this year, I signed an executive order that — directing the most comprehensive set of executive actions ever taken — ever taken in the history of this country to improve women’s health issues.
 
And, look — (applause) — it ensures that women’s health is integrated and prioritized all across the entire federal government — all research projects and budget plans, across the entire government.  And it spurs new research and innovation on a wide range of women’s health needs throughout their lives.  And it does so much more — so much more.
 
Folks, there’s literally never been more comprehensive effort from the federal government to spur innovation in women’s health research in our entire history. 
 
And thank you, by the way, kiddo.  (Laughter and applause.)  I — no, I mean it.  (Applause.)  I mean it.
 
If I can digress for a moment, I — I would — I have been the beneficiary of a lot of the research that’s been done.  I had a — two cranial aneurysms.  I had two nine-hour operations.  They took the top of my head off twice; they couldn’t find a brain the first time.  (Laughter.) 
 
But all — all kidding aside, I mean the research that’s going on across the entire world.  I visited every single solitary major health center in the world — in the world — seven of them.  And, you know, a lot of wha- — what happens, even in not just women’s research, but, you know, docs who are great, they walk by the mirror, and they see a Pulitzer Pri- — a — a Nobel Prize about to be won and — rather than sharing the data.  But that’s all changing.  That’s all changing. 
 
And this initiative lays the groundwork for discoveries and research for generations to come.  Mark my words.  And the benefits we gain tomorrow will happen because we made the decision to do something about them today — today, now. 
 
And all of you in this room are leading the way, and that’s not hyperbole.  You really are.  It’s a hell of a com- — combination of people that make things change.
 
Let me close with this.  And my daughter, Ashley, sitting here, she runs a — she works for women — she runs a women’s health shel- — women’s health center — shelter in Philadelphia. 
 
And — and, you know, this holiday season is a time not for gratitude but for reflection.  Gratitude is important, but we got to reflect on what’s going on. 
 
And let me say to you that it’s been an honor of my life to serve as your president the last four years.  But I’m — and I’m forever grateful.  I really am.  (Applause.) 
 
But folks, it’s not a joke.  We’re blessed to live in America.  We’re blessed to live in America.  I’ve been to over 140 countries.  I mean, but for the grace of God, I could’ve been born a lot of other places.  Literally the greatest country on Earth, that’s who we are.  But we got to raise up even more than we are now.
 
I often say, America can be summed up in one word.  I was on the Tibetan Plateau with Xi Jinping, and he said, “Can you define America for me?”  And I — this is all on the record.  I said, “Yes, one word: possibilities.” 
 
Think about it.  We’re the only nation in the world where people — they think there’s arrogance in that.  But we’ve never failed to get things done when we set our mind to it.  It’s all about possibilities.  Anything is possible.
 
That’s what the Women’s Realth — Health Research Initiative is all about: possibilities.  You know, and that’s what this conference is all about.  That’s what you’re all about.  Researchers, innovators, investors; businesses, advocates, elected officials; public, private, and non-profit leaders unleashing the drive and discovery and the talent and imagination that you have in this room — a spirit of innovation inherent in who you guys are. 
 
I really mean it.  Think about it.  Turn and look at the people to your left and right who you know are engaged in this.  It’s all about the possibilities and belief we can do things, we can change things fundamentally.   
 
I think inherent in the American con- — conscience is setting a bold vision and taking concrete steps to make our dreams a reality, holding on to one more thing that we can never lose: hope — hope, hope, hope.  Because what we need — we need to raise the expectations of the American people up.  We got to let them know we haven’t forgotten.  Whether it’s a business or labor or whether it’s politics, whatever, we haven’t forgotten. 
 
You — you guys go out there.  You take care of all of these folks.  Guess what?  How many of them think that we just sort of forgotten?  Why aren’t we focused?
 
Because of you and your fearless determination, you’re making real progress.  You’re really making progress. 
 
There’s still so much more to do.  And we’re going to take all of us to get it done.  I know it’s a battle.  But I know I have a hell of a lot of — a hell of an army here.  (Laughter.) 
 
You know, when I look around at all of you here today — and I mean this sincerely — I know it’s a battle we’re going to win.  We’re going to win this battle.  
 
We just have to remember who in the hell we are.  We’re the United States of America.  And there is nothing we’ve ever set our mind to we’ve been unable to do when we’ve done it together.  It’s not beyond our capacity, when we work together.  And that’s what you’re all doing: working together. 
 
And so, I — and I want to close by thanking my wife for Ji- — I mean, Jill, I tell you.  Like I said, when we got married, my brother said, “Don’t worry; she doesn’t like politics.”  Well, I tell you what, you stepped up, kid.  (Laughter.)  You’ve stepped up.
 
And in case you wonder, when she speaks, I listen.  (Laughter and applause.)
 
Thank you all so very, very much.  Let’s get this done.    Thank you.  (Applause.) 
 
11:57 A.M. EST

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East Room

7:25 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Loretta, thank you.   Thank you, thank you, thank you.

You know, first of all, welcome to the White House, all the Special Olympics. 

And thank you, Loretta, for that introduction and your leadership — and one of our nation’s great special athletes. 

You’ve appeared in 8 World Games, completed in 10 different sports, won 12 medals, run 26 marathons — holy God — speak 5 languages, earned 3 honorary degrees.  And you’re only 71 years old.  (Laughter.)  You’re amazing.  You’re truly amazing.  All of you are. 

Before I really begin, what I want to say — let me say something about the Shriver/Kennedy family.  You know, your mom — your mom just didn’t open her heart to that Special Olympian.

When I got elected in 1971 — ‘72, I was 29 years old.  I wasn’t legally old enough to be president [senator]; you have to be 30 to be sworn in. And shortly after I got elected, I had to wait 17 days to be eligible to be sworn in — but in the meantime, on the anniversary coming up on the 18th of this month, I was down in Teddy’s office — Teddy Kennedy’s office, who took care of me — hiring staff.  And I got a phone call from my local fire department, telling me there had been an accident.  And the poor firewoman they put on the call for me said — I said, “How are they?”  They said, “Uh, uh, um, she’s dead.  Your daughter is dead.  And I’m not sure your two sons will make it.” 

And I — I, for a while, was very angry at God.  And I have — and if you come to my office, I hope you get to see it — a cartoon my dad gave me years later, when I was saying something about “I wish my deceased wife would have been able to see a certain thing in my house.”  And he went up to the local store — local shopping center and came back with a cartoon, and it was in a gold frame.  I’ve had it for, now, 34 years at my desk.  And it’s “Hägar the Horrible.”  And Hägar the Horrible, the Viking, his ship was struck by lightning, and he’s standing on the top of a sinking ship and looking up at God and say, “Why me?”  And the next frame is a voice from Heaven comes back and says, “Why not you?”  “Why not you?”

That was my dad.  It was just about getting up, making sure —

And while I was getting up, your mother helped me.  Your mother, your family contacted me, because I didn’t want to be sworn in.  I told my governor-elect that I wasn’t going to be sworn in.  I didn’t want to do it.  And — but your family —
your family —

And, by the way, one of the reasons I won was because of Sargent Shriver.  He showed up — (applause) — no. 

One of the oldest historic towns in America is New Castle, Delaware.  We have a thing in it, before every election, on election night, called the Torchlight Parade, and it’s been going on for, now, 90 years — longer.  And we — I needed help.  I — N- — Nixon won my state by 60 percent of the vote, and I won by 3,200 votes.  And, like you, I had a sister smarter than me.  (Laughter.)  And (inaudible).

And your dad went out of his way.  Your dad came to that event and energized the crowd and talked about “this young guy is going to be okay.”  I’ll never forget it.

So, you know, I know from a different angle what a lot of you must feel when you have someone reach out to you when you’re really down and things aren’t working. 

And, you know, but here in the East Room, we hosted heads of state.  And we ordered — I order- — we’ve ordered — ordered — awarded Medals of Freedom.  Just the other night, we celebrated Kennedy Center’s Honors.  But being here with the Special Olympians is something I cherish in my — from all my time being president.  I mean that.  And for that, I want to thank Tim and the whole Shriver family for making it possible.  (Applause.)

I think you all underestimate what you do for the community, but you give people hope.  They look at you.  They see your damn bravery.  They see your courage.  They see you standing up under circumstances they don’t think they can handle, and you do it.  And it’s all about hope. 

My dad used to have an expression.  He’d say, “Joey, a
job is about a lot more than a paycheck.  It’s about your dignity.  It’s about being able to look people in the eye and say, ‘We’re like everybody else.’” 

When you’re treated with dignity, it changes everything.  And you make people realize they have an obligation to do that.

Tim, you and your childr- — your siblings, your children, your grandchildren continue your parents’ mission of service, empowering others to reach their God-given talent.  Eunice and Sarge would be proud.  I feel them here today, and always do, by the way. 

Thank you for all the supports [supporters] of the Sp- — Special Olympics, including for Congress who are here tonight.  One of my good friends, Steny Hoyer, is over there.  (Applause.)

Steny talks about the Eastern Shore of Maryland.  It’s really the Western Shore of Delaware.  (Laughter.)

And Tony Coelho — where’s Tony?  Congressman?  Tony, good man.  (Applause.)

And Senator Roy Blunt.  Roy?  (Applause.)  Thank you, Roy. 

We’ve worked for decades to make our country more accessible and more just. 

Above all — above all, the athletes here, and to your loved ones, I say, thank you, because you give us hope.  If you can do what you did, why can’t we do so much more?  (Applause.)  You’re some of the most — you’re some of the most driven people I’ve ever met. 

For me and Jill, it’s a true honor to host you here at the White House.  And this is your house, the People’s House.  I mean it: your house.

The Special Olympics are close to my heart.  As it was mentioned already, ’71, I attended the Delaware first-ever Special Olympic competition: a track meet at old Wilmington High School.  I was a county councilman at the time, an organization that I had just begun.  I’ve just be- — I’ve become a big fan ever since.

In 2009, I flew with Mark Shriver to Boise, Idaho, for the Winter Games.  In 2010, Jill and I were proud to host all of you at the Naval Observatory, the vice president’s residence.  In 2011, Jill led the presidential delegation to the World Summer Games in Athens. 

In 2018 — my son Beau, who passed away because of a year in Iraq — set up the Beau Biden Foundation and partnered with you to protect people with intellectual disabilities and abuse.  And when he passed away, all that he had raised for his conflict went to you.  It’s something — sometimes our — our son — well, I won’t get into that.

Throughout it all, it’s been clear the Special Olympics is a movement of hope.  That’s what it’s all about: hope and inclusion — no one is excluded — spreading joy, building confidence, opening hearts.

President Lincoln once said everyone deserves, quote, “a fair chance in the race of life.”  That’s what this is all about.

Disability isn’t something broken to be fixed.  For millions of Americans, disability is a source of identity and pride.  Every American has an equal right to be recognized for who they are with dignity and with respect.

That’s why, as a senator, I cosponsored our nation’s first major disability rights bill, the Rehabilitation Act of 1973.  Now, I know I look like I’m only 40, but I’ve been around a while.  (Laughter.)  That was in 1990, and, ladies and gentlemen, that act had a profound impact on people.

Look, the fact is that there’s so much more.  Why, when I was vice president and president, our administrations made major investments in education, employment, community-based care for people with disabilities.

And that’s why Kamala and our whole administration have worked to stop the use of subminimum wage so no — so tens of thousands of Americans can finally get fairly paid for what they do when they do it and not subminimum wage.  (Applause.)

That’s why we continued to push to end so-called Social Security marriage penalty, so people with didlebil- — dis- –disabilities who don’t lose part of their monthly benefits when then marry a person in a similar circumstance that they love.

You know, I want to thank Patrice, another star athlete who’s here tonight, working so hard to make all this happen. 

And that’s not all.  We also sent your CEO, Mary, to represent the United States this year at the historic G7 meeting that finally recognized sports as essential — as essential to global disability policy because of you.  It matters.  You’re affecting people’s lives all around the world, not just here.

Let me close with this.  I know this work is about a lot more than sports.  It’s about community.  It’s about health.  It’s about opportunity.  It’s about who we are as a nation.  What is our character?  Where is our heart?

The Special Olympics oath is “Let me win, but if I cannot win, let me be brave in the attempt.”

That’s the basic American spirit — your spirit.  You instill it in everybody.  You represent literally — and I mean this from the — I give you my word as a Biden — you represent the best America has to offer — the very best America has to offer.

You know, I mentioned — I’ve mentioned many times before that my mom had an expression.  My mom was Catherine Eugenia Finnegan Biden.  She’d look at me, “Joey” — I used to stutter very badly when I was young, even into high school.  She’d — “Joey, look at me.  Look at me.”  “I’m looking at you, Mom.”  She said, “Remember who you are.  You’re a Biden.”  And I thought, “Well, that’s like (inaudible).”  (Laughter.)  She said, “Look at me.  Joey, bravery resides in every heart, and someday — someday it will be summoned in every heart.”

Day after day, that’s what you and your entire organization do.  You rise up.  You lift one another up.  You summon immense courage.

And every Special — Special Olympic athlete here tonight and across America, we love you. 

Every new person I bring to the Special Olympics, they walk away stunned.  They walk away stunned about your courage.

I’d like to make a toast to the moment.  To supporters and volunteers and, above all, the incredible athletes and their brave and courageous hearts — you got something for me to toast? 

I have to admit to you.  I’m going to hold this with my left hand.  My grandfather, Ambrose Finnegan, was an all-American football player at Santa Clara.  He’d say, “Joey” — I’m the only Irishman you’ve ever met that’s never had a drink in his life.  (Laughs.)  Anyway.  But “when you toast without liquor” — which I don’t have here, I’ve got to admit it — (laughter) — “you’ve got to do it with your left hand, not your right hand.”

(The president offers a toast.)

So, cheers.  Cheers.  And please, please keep inspiring the country.

And I really — I’m going to say one more thing.  I should shush up, but one more thing.  You know, I think you underestimate — I generally believe you underestimate the impact you’ve had on so many people — so many people.  Especially when they’re down, especially when they think it’s over, you lift us up.

So, thank you, thank you, thank you.  I love you. 

And my — there’s an old — my — my grandfather used to use this — what he facetiously referred to as an “Irish blessing.”  He said, “May those who love us, love us; and those who don’t, may God turn their ankles, so we know they’re coming by their limp.”  (Laughter and applause.)

Enjoy the White House.  It’s your house.  (Applause.)

7:39 P.M. EST

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Brookings Institution

Washington, D.C.

12:43 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  I’m — I’m here to steal her back.  (Laughter.) 

You’re the best, Cec.

DR. ROUSE:  Thank you.

THE PRESIDENT:  You really are.  Thank you. 

Well, this is only a 400-page speech.  (Laughter.)  You know, we — I wanted to talk about how we’re — the economy, and it is a — it is a daunting task to talk about the transition we’re trying to initiate here.  

I want to thank you, Glenn.  And thank you, CeCe, for the introduction and for the leadership you’ve se- — you served as the chair of the — my Council of Economic Advisors.

And it’s great to be back at Brookings Institution.  I started here 400 years ago as a senator.  (Laughter.)  God, it’s hard to believe.  That’s long ago.  Oh, I don’t want to admit it.  Anyway.  But — and then as vice president.  And I was — when I was thinking about running for president, I came here, and now as president.

Last month, I spoke to the Economic Club of Washington D.C. about the pivotal actions we took to rescue the economy from the devastating harm caused by the — by the way the — in my view, the pandemic was handled and how we delivered immediate economic relief to those most in need.  We got back to full employment, got inflation back down, managed the soft landing that most people thought was not very much likely to happen.

Today, here at Brookings Institution, I would like to talk about pivotal actions we’ve taken to rebuild the economy for the long haul, you know, and how we’re — how we’re at a critical, in my view, moment in the direction the economy is going to take.

Next month, my administration will end and a new administration will begin.  Most economists agree the new administration is going to inherit a fairly strong economy, at least at the moment — an economy going through a fundamental transformation that’s laid out a stronger foundation and a sustainable, broad-based, highly productive growth.  And it is my profound hope that the new administration will preserve and build on this progress. 

Like most grace [great] economic developments, this one is neither red nor blue, and America’s progress is everyone’s progress. 

After decades of trickle-down economics that primarily benefitted those at the very top, we — we’ve written a new book that’s growing the economy — the middle-out and the bottom-up — that benefits, thus far, everyone.  And that’s going to be the test with go- — going forward. 

Over 16 million new jobs — that’s new jobs — the most in any single presidential term in American history; the lowest average unemployment rate of any administration in the last 50 years; 20 million applications for new business records — I mean, it’s — it’s for a new business — for ri- — that is a record, I should say; stock market hits record highs.  I wish I owned a lot of stock.  (Laughter.) 

You know the worst part of all this that I can acknowledge at Brookings?  For 36 years, I was listed as the poorest man in Congress.  (Laughter.)  What a foolish man. 

Anyway, 401(k)s are up.  More than a trillion dollars in private-sector investment in clean energy and advanced manufacturing in just two years alone.  After decades of sending jobs overseas for the cheapest labor possible, companies are coming back to America, investing and building here, and creating jobs here in America, in my view, where they belong.

And, of course, this economic growth is not without pain.  The entire world faced a spike in inflation due to disruptions from the pandemic and Putin’s war in Ukraine. 

We acted quickly to get inflation down with the help of Republicans and Democrats.  Inflation came down to pre-pandemic levels.  Wages have increased. 

But still, too many working- and middle-class families struggle with high prices for housing and groceries and the daily needs of life. 

At the same time, as inflation and interest rates continue to fall, we’ve entered a new phase of our economic resurgence. 

With the outcome of this election, we also face an inflection point: We do — do we continue to grow the economy from the middle out and the bottom up, investing in all of America and Americans, supporting unions and working families as we have the past four years?  Or do we — or do we move backward — in my view, backslide to an economy that’s benefitted those at the top, while working people and the middle-class struggle to — for a fair share of growth and economic theory that encouraged industries and live- — livelihoods to be shipped overseas? 

And I might add, I’m not anti-corporation.  For 36 years, I represented corporate America.  I — my state has more corporations in — registered in my state than every other state in the Union.  So, I’m mildly accustomed to corporate America, and to see it grow is useful and helpful and necessary. 

But to make the most of the opportunities ahead, I want to share key pages from our middle-out, bottom-up economic playbook and lay down what I believe to be a new set of benchmarks to measure against the next four years and see whether this theory is more than just a phenomenon.

Four years ago, when I came to office, 3,000 Americans were dying per day from the pandemic that infected and the- — had profound effect on our economy — not only ours but around the world.  Millions of Americans lost their jobs, were at risk of losing their homes.  Hundreds of thousands of factories and businesses — excuse me — yes, hundreds of thousand closed and — creating despair in communities.

I remember I — when I was campaigning and they’d say, “My dad used to work at that factory.  My grandfather worked at that factory.  It’s gone.”  People lost hope.  They lost hope, and particularly through the Midwest and other areas of the country.

Supply chains was shattered.  Prices soared on everything from cars to homes to appliances.

The previous administration, quite frankly, had no plan — real plan — to get us through one of the toughest periods in our nation’s history. 

In fact, there’s an old saying, “If the only tool you have in your toolbox is a hammer, everything looks like a nail.” 

Over the course of decades of Republican leadership and — and I’m not a — those of you who know anything about me and my career in the Senate, I had as many Republican friends as Democratic friends, for real.  I’m not — I’m not of these — anyway, I won’t get going.  (Laughter.)

But I’ve never been a big fan of trickle-down economics.  The w- — it was a hammer that was hammering working people.

My dad used to say — my dad was a well-read — well-read man who didn’t get to — he got accepted to go to Hopkins and — but during the war, he never got to go.  But my dad used to talk about — he said, “Dad” — “Joey, not a whole lot trickles down on my kitchen table at the end of the month.”

Slashing taxes for the very wealthy and the biggest corporations, diminishing public investment in infrastructure, in education, in research and development. 

And keep your eye on it.  We’re going to find out whether or not what they want to do on each of those areas — continue to slash — makes sense or not. 

Offshored jobs and factories — I took off- — for cheaper labor overseas. 

Destroying unions while imposing costs on — on those products made in America. 

And despite the mythical reputation to pay for itself, trickle-down economics deeply worsened our fiscal outlook, in my view. 

To offset the costs, advocates of trickle-down economics ripped the social safety net by trying to privatize Social Security and Medicare, trying to deny access to affordable health care and prescription drugs. 

Lifting the fortunes of the very wealthy often meant taking the rights of workers away to unionize and bargain collectively. 

And, by the way, I’m all for the very wealthy.  I’m not joking.  If you can make as much money as you can, good for you.  But everybody’s got to be — pay — pay their fair share.

It meant rewarding short-termism in pursuit of short-term profits, extraordinary high executive pay, instead of making long-term investments, in many cases. 

As a consequence, our infra- — our infrastructure fell further behind.  A flood of cheap imports hollowed out our factory towns. 

Remember “Infrastructure Week”?  We had Infrastructure Week for four years.  Nothing got built.

Well, everybody said when I wanted to have an infrastructure bill that mattered — over a trillion three hundred billion dollars — we’d never get it done.  We got it done.

The next president has a game plan I laid out.  And, by the way, he’s going to find, since I made a promise I’d invest as much in red states as blue, he’s going to have a trouble not doing it.  He’s going to have a lot of red state senators who were opposed to all of it and didn’t vote for it deciding it’s very much in their interests to build the facilities that are on this (inaudible).

Economic opportunity and innovation became more concentrated in few major cities, while the heartland and communities were left behind. 

Scientific discoveries and inventions developed in America were commercialized in countries like China, bolstering their manufacturing investment and jobs instead of the economy. 

Even before the pandemic, this economic agenda was clearly failing.  Working- and middle-class families were being hurt. 

The pandemic and the economic crisis revealed a failure for everyone to see and to feel. 

And, you know, one of the things that’s going on here — (the president’s teleprompter shuts off) — they just turned off my — I’m going to go off my — I lost the electricity here.

But anyway, one of the things we found is that, you know, we — we invented the semic- — the computer chip, the size of the tip of your little finger, to power our everyday lives, from vehicles to advanced weapons, cell phones, everything in between.

The United States invented these computer chips, but over time, we stopped making them.  In the very beginning, we had — we produced 40 percent of them in the world. 

Well, they all went overseas, almost — virtually all.

So, when the pandemic hit, we found out how vulnerable America was.  Supply chains abroad got shut down in the Far East because people got sick.  The factories making the chips closed.  And all of a sudden, everybody started learning about supply chains, a phrase that was probably used more in the last four years than the last 40 years.  No, I’m serious.

You couldn’t get these chips.  Prices soared.

For example, it takes over 3,000 chips to build an American automobile — 3,000.  But when the overseas factories making those chips shut down, the production stopped and the cost of new cars soared.

You know, it didn’t have to be that way, and I was determined to change that.

I remember looking at my staff and saying, “I’m going to South Korea.”  And they said, “You’re what?”  Oh, you think I’m kidding.  See the guy next to you?  He’s a brilliant economist.  (Laughter.)  He didn’t think I was so brilliant going overseas there.  (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, I came into office with a different vision for America that’s been consistent with my record — good, bad, or indifferent — since I’ve been a senator: grow the economy from the middle out and the bottom up; invest in America and American products.  And when that happens, everybody does — the wealthy still do very well, and all of America, no matter where they lived, whether they went to college or not.

I was determined to restore U.S. leadership in industries of the future.

You know, four years later, we have proof that the playbook is, at least now, working. 

You know, within the first two months of office, I signed the American Rescue Plan — the most significant economic recovery package in our history — and I also learned something from Donald Trump.  He signed checks for people for 7,400 [1,400] bucks because we passed the plan.  And I didn’t — stupid.  (Laughter.)

But all kidding aside, I realize we’re talking about the impact of politics, but the economic basic principles is what we’re (inaudible).

You know, we helped vac- — that — passed that act, we helped vaccinate the nation and has returned to full employment.

This was just the beginning.  

We understood we needed long-term investments for the future.  Investing in America agenda, which includes my Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, CHIPS and Science Act, the Inflation Reduction Act — together, they mark the most significant investment in America since the New Deal.  And that’s a fact.  I mean, whether it’s good or bad, that’s the fact. 

The Inflation Reduction Act alone is the most significant investment in climate and energy ever, ever anywhere in the entire world.  We were told we couldn’t get it done.  We got $368 billion.  

We make these investments — when we make them, we buy America.  “Buy American” has been the law of the land since the ‘30s.  I won’t go back — it takes too much time, but you go back to the laws Lincoln pass- — Lincoln, my lord — if you go back to the laws that Roosevelt passed about allowing unions to resist being stepped on and organize, well, there’s a prevision — a “Buy America” prevision.

I was a senator for a long time.  I thought I was pretty informed.  I didn’t know it existed.

And, by the way, former presidents didn’t know.  If they knew, they didn’t say anything about it.

It says that the money that a president authorizes, that Congress has spent, should be used by the president to hire American workers and buy American products.

There was an exemption.  If you couldn’t find the American product, American worker, you could go overseas, but you had to show it.

Well, guess what?  Past adminiscration, including my present [predecessor], failed to “Buy America.”  But not on my watch.

We’re modernizing our roads; our bridges; our ports; our airports; our clean water system; affordable, high-speed Internet systems; and so much more.

And, by the way, if you think about the high-speed Internet systems, they’re as consequential to farmers as electricity was during the — during the administration of — of Roosevelt.  I’m serious.  You can’t function without it.

And we’ve incentivized building all these large federal projects within — with American products and American union — mostly union labor, new pathways into these jobs, including a record number of registered apprenticeships that we’ve made sure occurred.

As I noted earlier, when I came to office, semiconductor manufacturing had moved overseas.  I was determined to bring it back so we wouldn’t be at the end of the supply chain; we’d be beginning of the supply chain.  And that’s what we’ve done with my CHIPS and Science Act, which has attracted $350 billion in private-sector investment in America, including from Korea and from Taiwan.

These — I remember when we went to — to — I digress; I shouldn’t because it’s a long speech, but to digress just a moment — I went to South Korea and I met with Moo- — Yoon and — and I met with Samsung.

I said, “Why are you making this billions-dollar investments in — in what we call the ‘Field of Dreams,’ outside of Columbus, Ohio?”  He said, “Because you have the most capable workers in the world, and it’s the safest place in the world for me to make my investment.”

These investments are building what they call a new “fab.” You all know this.  But a fab is — new factories.  But they’re these giant, giant things as big as football fields.  And guess what?  When they’re built, they employ thousands of people.  And guess what?  The average salary: $102,000, and you don’t need a college degree to do the job.

These investment — massive chips factories, these fabs, these — the size of several football fields.  As I said, in the “Field of Dreams” from all across America — from New York to Ohio to Arizona.

I mean, you know, and when I ask these companies why they’re investing — again, not a joke; I give you my word.  And you all know th- — you’re businesswomen and -men.  You all know it.  They say we have the most qualified workers in the world. 

Everybody thinks that — you know, I have trouble with my union friends.  They’re not very good salesmens for themselves.  Everybody thinks — the average person out there thinks — they say, “I want to be electrician.”  Five years later — five years later, as an apprentice, you can become an electrician.

Look, the CHIPS investments are creating over 125,000 jobs so far.  Many of those jobs are paying over 100 grand a year, and we don’t need to come a college degree, as I said. 

And it’s not just fabs.  These investments are creating opportunities for entire communities, small businesses, creating even more jobs.

When they move — when you build — for example, you build one of these fabs, whether it’s in Syracuse or wherever they’re — they’re — and they’re all over the place.  Guess what?  You know what happens?  They end up building drugstores, coffee shops, automobile dealerships.  They build entire communities because thousands of people move in who can afford — can afford to live a decent life.

In fact — and we knew in the beginning this wasn’t can- — going to come to fruition in my campaign — my — my administration.  It takes time to get this done, but watch, 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 years from now.

We’ll soon be the only economy in the world to have all five of the major chip companies operating in the United States of America.  It’s not only cr- — creating thousands — it will create thousands of jobs, and good-paying jobs building chips factory, it wa- — also creating those jobs for workers installing more sol- — solar panels, batteries, selling more electric vehicles than ever before.

You know, that’s a construction boom and a manufacturing boom all across America.  It’s just going to continue to pick up with the billions of dollars being invested.

When faced with unfair practices from abroad, we’ve taken a tough but targeted actions on behalf of the American worker, American businesses, and factory towns.

You know, we know the pandemic and Russian war in Ukraine and infl- — and inflation created enormous pain and hardship all across America.  It’s true for every major economy in the world.  But we took aggressive action that brought prices down.

For example, after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, causing gas prices to spike globally, I ordered the biggest release of — ever in our Strategic Petroleum Reserve.  That’s all the — you all know — most people listening wouldn’t — but that’s all that oil we’ve saved up.

And — and we challenged the oil and gas companies to take their record profits and invest more in production — invest more in production. 

Today, American energy production is at record levels, including in oil and gas production.  Gas prices are down to three bucks — three bucks, below the price before Russia’s invasion. 

In addition, we’ve successfully pushed [purchased] back all oil — all the oil released at a much lower price, and we’ve refilled the facilities, making the taxpayers, in the process, $3.5 billion.  Brought it out — s- — got it back; a hell of a lot cheaper to fill it back up.

Now inflation is coming down faster than almost anywhere in the world, in advanced economies. 

As inflation eased and the strong labor market persisted, inflation-adjusted wages and incomes began to rise.  Average tax f- — average after-tax income is up almost $4,000 than prices on aver- — for average Americans. 

Eighty percent of working-age Americans have jobs — near a decade — a multi-decade high. 

We’re creating a record jobs sixty percent of all Americans who chose to pursue a four-year college degree — who chose not to pursue a four-year degree. 

With our historic backing of union, public support for unions is the highest it’s been in more than a half a century, and the labor movement is expanding and changing in new companies are — and industries. 

Here’s why it’s important for all workers.  I asked the Treasury Department, when I was pushing for union expansion — and I — to do a study, and they found that when union wages go up, everybody’s wages go up across the board.  It matters.

The middle-out and bottom-up playbook is also — is also asking that the very wealthy begin — the most profitable corporations begin to pay their fair share.

I won’t use the usual ci- — cite that you usually — we got a thousand billionaires in America.  Their average federal tax is 8.2 percent.  Anybody want to trade with them?   

Well, look, my predecessor’s $2 trillion tax cut overwhelmingly benefitted the very wealthy and the biggest corporations, delivering tax cuts to the top 1 percent — worth more than 50 times the tax cuts that went to middle-class — families received. 

My approach is leading to better results for everyone.

I kept my commitment that no one — it didn’t make me very popular with Democrats — no one earning less than $4,000 a year would se- — $400,000 a year would pay an additional single penny in additional taxes.  No one. 

Not only I fought hard to expand the Child Tax Credit for working families, but cut child poverty nearly — it was — it cut child poverty nearly in half.  And, by the way, it increases economic growth.  More women can go back to work.  More women can grow the economy.  Expanded tax credits to make health insurance more affordable for millions of Americans enrolled in the Affordable Care Act.  By the way, my — the other team tried to re- — get rid of it.  Fifty-one votes, okay?  

After a decade of severe underfunding, I fought hard to make the IRS have a budget with enough personnel and technology.  And it’s awful hard — it’s easy to go after my taxes.  Not a problem, you know?  And I — I make a good living.  You pay me a lot of money as a — as a president.  But for the very wealthy, it’s awful hard.  You need more personnel. 

And guess what?  We finally — after the fight — got more personnel.  Never did I think I’d be fighting to get more tax collectors.  We got more folks in the — in the department. 

The result: The IRS has already collected over $1 billion in unpaid taxes from the super wealthy that had not been paid in the past.

Look, folks, our economic playbook also includes increasing fair competition.  I’m a capitalist, but capitalism without competition is not capitalism; it’s exploitation.  But not on my watch.

My Inflation Reduction Act took on Big Pharma, reduced the price of insulin for seniors with diabetes to pay only 35 bucks a month until the — close to the average of $400 a month.

You know, when I was trying to sell this to the American public, I’d go around the country doing town meetings and say, “Anybody has a prescription from a major drug company in America?  Come with me and get on Air Force One.  I will take you to Toronto, to Berlin, to Rome, to anywhere in the world, and I’ll get you that same exact prescription, from the same exact company for somewhere between 40 to 60 percent less.”

Well, the Inflation Reduction Act also finally gives Medicare the power to negotiate lower drug prices for seniors across the board.  It’s already passed. 

Starting next month, out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for seniors — total prescription drug costs — will be capped at $2,000 a year no matter how much they spend, no matter how expensive their drugs.  And you all know it, because some of you, like me and others, have lost families to cancer and cancer treatment.  Those drugs — cancer drugs — can cost 10-, 12-, 14 million — thousand dollars a year.

These other reforms not only save seniors money, not only saves the patient money, but guess what?  It saves every one of you taxpayers money because the federal government is not paying out $160 billion over the next 10 years that it had to pay now, because they’re not paying that.  They’re paying 35, not 400 bucks for the prescription — exorbitant prices of pharmaceutical companies have been cha- — they’re charging.

We’re also lowering costs by eliminating junk fees.  Junk fees are those hidden costs that can add up to hundreds of dollars for the average American family — you know, hidden costs like excessive banking overdraft fees.

So, I — I didn’t realize they had the power to do this, but we brought them down from an average of $35 a month for an overdraft to $5 a month.  It costs the banks a lot of money, but it was fair.  Thirty-five bucks to deal with an overdraft. 

And, in addition to that was late fees for credit cards; apartment application fees — I know most of us don’t even look at that, but just the ap- — just to apply; hidden hotel fees; or family seating arrangements on flights.  A lot of you got that one down.

I don’t know about all of you, but — maybe it’s the Irish in me — but just — I hate being played for a sucker.  (Laughter.)  No, I’m serious.  People get angry when they find this out.

Fair competition is especially important for small businesses that have been crushed by decades of concentrated corporate power.  That’s important because small businesses represent nearly 50 percent of the entire GDP of the American economy.

Because of our policies and confidence of entrepreneurs in the economy, we’ve seen 20 million in — since I became president, 20 million new business applications during this administration — the most of any presidential term in history — a record. 

Black businesses ownership — back — Black businesses ownership is doubling.  Hispanic business ownership is up by 40 percent since the pandemic.  The share of women in business is also on the rise.

It all has benefitted not just those groups but all of the economy.  Every single application for a new business license is like a — like an act of hope, of confidence.

There’s so much more from our playbook.

The bottom line is, in four short years, we’ve come a long way from a cri- — (coughs) — excuse me, my cold — I apologize — from the crisis we inherited.

We not only — we not only beat the pandemic; we broke from the economic orthodoxy that has failed this nation, in my view, for a long time — a theory that led to fewer jobs, less economic growth, and bigger deficits.

I had a fundamentally different theory.  My theory was the strongest economy is built from the bottom up and the middle out — from the middle out and the bottom up, not the top down.

And the best way to build that in America was to invest in America, invest in American products and invest in the American people — not by handing out tax breaks to those at the top. 

And I’m not looking — look, I — I won’t get in — we can talk about taxes. 

But it was — it’s long past time for America to make a generational investment in our infrastructure, in our manufacturing base, in the technological edge in our clean energy future.

I know it’s been hard for many Americans to see, and I understand it.  They’re just trying to figure out how to put three squares on the table.  But I believe it was the right thing to do, not only to lift Americans out of economic crisis caused by a pandemic, but set America on a stronger course for the future.  And we did that.

We don’t only — don’t take my word for it.  Here’s how Time Magazine and other commentators describe the economy I’m leaving to my successor, and there’s a number of these quotes: “President-elect Trump is receiving the strongest economy in modern history, which is the envy of the world.”

I’m going to say something outrageous.  I know a fair amount about foreign policy.  I’ve known every major world leader for a long — I’ve been around 500 years.  (Laughter.)  I know these guys.  And I don’t know anybody who wouldn’t change their econ- — their economy with ours.  Can you think of one, any major nation that says, “I want to trade — I don’t want to trade.  I’ll keep mine.  I like what I’m doing”?

Let me close with this.  By all accounts, the incoming administration is determined to return the country to another round of trickle-down economics and another tax cut for the very wealthy that will not be paid for — or, if paid for, is going to have a real cost — once again, causing massive deficits or significant cuts in basic programs, from health care, education, veterans benefits.

On top of that, he seems determined to impose steep, universal tariffs on all imported goods brought into this country on the mistaken belief that foreign countries will bear the cost of those tariffs rather than the American consumer.  Who does he think pays for this?

I believe this approach is a major mistake.  I believe we’ve proven that approach is a mistake over the past four years. 

But we all know in time — we all know in time what will happen. 

I’ve never agreed with Ronald Reagan’s approach to the economy — although, I got along with him very well — but I did agree with something he said.  President Reagan said, and I quote, “Facts are stubborn things.”  “Facts are stubborn things.”  They are.

Here are the facts.  A set mark of benchmarks, if you will, that we should measure the success or failure of our next four years: During my presidency, we created 60 million new jobs in America.  Will the next president create jobs or, like Herbert Hoover, be the only president to lose jobs in his administration?

During my presidency, we see the lowest average unemployment rate of — than any administration in 50 years. Will the unemployment be higher or lower in the next four years?

We’ve long — we have a — we have a — had a strong economic growth of 3 percent, on average, on a yearly basis.  Will the next president have a stronger or weaker economic growth?

And inflation.  Yes, inflation.  We’re battling through worldwide effects of the pandemic, Putin’s war in Ukraine, and the supply chain disruptions.  I’m leaving the next president with an inflation rate that’s near 2 percent.  Where — where will inflation be at the end of the next president’s term?

Look, these are simple, well-established economic benchmarks used to measure the strength of any economy, the success or failure of any president’s four years in office. They’re not political, rhetorical opinions.  They’re just facts — simple facts.  As President Reagan called them, “stubborn facts.” 

And one more fact I prep- — as I prepare to leave office: You know, there is no country on Earth better positioned to lead the world in the years to come than America.  Think about it.  What stunned me — and, again, I’m going to say something outrageous — I have as much experience in foreign policy as any president in the history of the United States has had.  I was chairman of Foreign Relations Committee.  I — anyway, I spent a lot of time.  I know all of them.

Well, the decisions we make over the next four years have been transformative to the nation. But I tell you what, what stunned me — and it’s not — I’m not being a hyper-American here — I can’t name a single country in the world that doesn’t think — I’ll put it this way: If we’re not leading the world, who does?  Not a joke.  I’m not being wise guy.  If we do not lead the world, what nation leads the world?  Who pulls Europe together?  Who tries to pull the Middle East together?  How do we (inaudible) the Indian Ocean?  What do we do in Africa? 

We, the United States, lead the world.  And you all are extre- — extremely experienced women and men.  You know many of these leaders.  You know many of these countries.  Find me one that says we’re not or wish we weren’t.

Look, my hope and belief is that the decisions and investments are now so deeply rooted in the nation that it’s going to be politically costly and economically unsound for the next president to disrupt to c- — or cut.

You know, some of my friends in the Republican Party when I do States of the Union who holler and like, you know, those things — they’re against all the things we did.  Keep your eye on them.  Tell me when they want the programs we voted for them — to cut in their states.  Show me the most conservative Republicans willing to take away the factories that are going to be built in their states. 

Going to be interesting.  Going to be interesting.

Look, I pray to God — because I think everybody has an opportunity to reconsider their going — growth — I pray to God the president-elect throws away Project 2025.  I think it’d be an economic disaster for us and the region.

In fact, consider one additional fact: The historic investments we’ve made went to more red states than blue states.  Not a politically smart thing to do, and I knew what I was doing.  I knew people would be angry.  But the reason the red states — and they need it more because of the decisions they made — decisions they made and geography.

Will the next president stop a new electric battery factory in Liberty, North Carolina, that will create thousands of jobs?

Will he shut down a new solar factory being built in — in Carterville [Cartersville], Georgia?  Are they going to do that?

You know, will we deny seniors living in red states $35-a-month insulin?

I believe the only way for a president to lead America was to lead all of America.  And I believe the economy I’m leaving at the moment — and others could do better than I did; I’m not saying I was perfect — but ends up, at this moment, the best economy, strongest economy in the world and for all Americans, doing better. 

So, we got a lot to do, and I’m — I’m — I’m leaving the presidency, but I’m not going away — in bad news for you all — (laughter) — because I think we can — we got to bring this country back together.

When I announced my candidacy for president, I said I was running for three reasons.  One was to restore the soul of America, just decency in the way we treat one another — politically how we treat one another.

I know you know that when I — back when Pat was around and others, we had vicious fights.  We’d go and sit and have lunch together in the Senate dining room.

I’m taking more of your time than I should.  But one of the things that I realized when I was vice president — Barack wanted me because of my background in foreign policy and my ability to work in the Congress fairly well.  And so, about five years, six years in, I decided to go up to the Senate dining room — I’m president of the Senate — to sit at the table where Democrats and Republicans sit together and began to listen again, just talk to people.

Well, guess what?  No place to go. 

You’ve been to the senator’s dining room where they take you into the ro- — the room where you can eat with other senators and other people.  But right — the doors on the left of that elevator are a private dining — it used to be a long buffet table.  You walk in — a long table sitting, I guess, 16, 18 people on the right, parallel with the table.  And you walk through an archway, and there was a table going the other way.  One was the Democratic table.  One was Republican table.  And when there weren’t enough to sit at any one table, then they all sit together.

It’s hard to really dislike an individual that you strongly disagree with when you find out his wife is dying of breast cancer or he just lost a child or he’s having serious physical problems himself. 

We knew each other.  I really mean it.

Barack used to — used to drive Barack crazy when we’d — we met every morning at 9 o’clock and with his last (inaudible) talk to one another when the day ended.  And he always give me — he said, “I know, I know, I know.  All politics is personal.”  But it is.  It is.

I watched Teddy Kennedy and Jim Eastland rip each other apart on the floor and then go down and have lunch together.

So, one is to restore the soul of the country.

The second thing to do — I was trying to do when I — I said I was — when I ran was to begin to restore the middle class, to focus on people most in need.

And thirdly, was to — to bring the cou- — bring the politics together again.  Again, we don’t have to agree with one another, but we sure in hell have to stick with the system that’s allowed us to strongly disagree and yet keep within the confines of the — of the admonitions of the Constitution.

I’ve taken much too much of your time, and I apologize.  But you’re the — among the most informed people in Washington, and I would really appreciate, down the road here a little bit, any constructive criticism you have, and I’m sure you have some.  (Laughter.) 

All right.  Thank you so very much for having me.  (Applause.)

1:20 P.M. EST

The post Remarks by President Biden on His Middle-Out, Bottom-Up Economic Playbook appeared first on The White House.

U.S. International Development Finance Corporation
Washington, D.C.

1:01 P.M. EST

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, good afternoon.  And thank you so much for that introduction, Scott.  And thank you especially for your leadership here at DFC over these last years, a sentiment that I know President Biden shares deeply. 

Simply put, no one has played a more important role in this institution’s growth and development than you, and no one could have brought greater creativity, savvy, or tenacity to the task. 

Trust me, I have seen Scott in full warrior mode on behalf of DFC in the Situation Room, taking on other agencies with other ideas, and he’s constantly delivering to make sure that DFC, in turn, delivers on its mission. 

I also know, from personal experience myself, that leaders are only as capable as their teams, and the team at DFC is second to none.  And I want to salute everybody here in the audience, who either is current or past member of the DFC team, for all that you have done to build this into the impactful organization that it is today. 

If your first five years have proven anything, it is your impact globally will only compound exponentially in the years to come. 

So, thanks to you all, and thank you for letting me be here to mark this occasion with you. 

As many of you know, last week, President Biden traveled to Lobito, Angola.  Scott was there, of course.  Just a few years ago, that was an area completely devoid of any American investment.  But not anymore. 

During his visit, the President saw a rail car that will travel on Africa’s first transcontinental railroad, grain silos that will help transform the region from food importers to food exporters, and businesses that are investing in everything from clean energy to 5G all across the region. 

These are transformational projects, generational projects, projects that would have been unthinkable just five years ago but are already having an impact, and it’s because of the work that we’ve all done together to reimagine investment and development around the world in the face of profound and accelerating global change. 

When President Biden came to office, our nation faced several converging challenges: a pandemic that had shaken the world, a worsening climate crisis, vulnerable supply chains, rapid technological change, and geopolitical competition from a pacing competitor in the PRC. 

So, as these challenges were all coming to a head, we were entering this new era of geopolitics, one defined by strategic competition.  Ad hoc investments, grants, and loans were not going to cut it.  The old way of doing business was not going to cut it.  And it was not just that we weren’t punching above our weight.  It’s that, in many cases, when you looked at the full kind of capacity that the U.S. could bring to the table and the gap in what we were, in fact, bringing to the table across all of the tools of our national power, we were ceding the field.

So it was imperative that we needed to step back, look at the bigger picture, and present a positive-sum vision for growth and development globally, one calibrated to new geopolitical realities and one matched to the scope of the transformational challenges we faced. 

So, the first question we faced was: Okay, how do we do that?  How can we mobilize capital at scale for nations around the world, and how can we get our global partners to join us?

And here, having a bipartisan effort like the DFC, built in the previous administration under President Trump, handed off to President Biden, but still in its early stages, this was going to be a critical piece of the puzzle but one piece of a larger puzzle that was going to require a whole set of tools to be able to effectively mobilize capital in the service of our national interest and in the service of the global common interest. 

So the President, at the first G7 that he went to in Cornwall, England, launched the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment, or PGI.  In true government fashion, we give our best initiatives the most memorable acronyms, PGI.  (Laughter.)

At its core, the aim of PGI was to redefine the traditional Western value proposition to the developing world to say, “Okay, we hear you when it comes to the priorities you have in order to deliver for your citizens.”  And at the top of that list, for country after country in regions of the world on different continents, the answer consistently came back: infrastructure.  Physical infrastructure, energy infrastructure, digital infrastructure, health infrastructure, but the basic building blocks of growth and dynamism that could deliver for these countries.  And there was a massive gap.

And the country that was most active in actually trying to deliver for countries around the world with respect to infrastructure was the PRC, through its Belt and Road Initiative.  And we were not playing at the level or with the intensity that we had to play. 

So, we looked at this and we said: Somehow, given this need across the world, we need to turn billions into trillions of dollars of investment with solutions that those countries helped fashion on their own but with capital enabled by the United States and our partners in the G7 and other likeminded countries.

We layered on top of that the idea of catalyzing and concentrating investment in key corridors so that we were leveraging our investment to the maximum, not just spreading it thin across the board.

And through these corridors, including in Africa and Asia, PGI is designed to help close that infrastructure gap in developing countries, and I’m very proud of the progress that we’ve made so far. 

Over the last two years, the U.S. has mobilized over $80 billion in investments through the DFC and other tools to build out these corridors, like the Lobito Corridor that President Biden visited last week. 

This approach is about strengthening countries’ economic growth.  It’s also about strengthening America’s supply chains and global trusted technology vendors.  And it’s about diplomacy.  It’s about strengthening our critical partnerships in critical regions. 

And as the people in this room know better than anyone, this is not spending huge amounts of public dollars.  It’s about taking public dollars and public tools to mobilize private dollars.  And, frankly, the response we have seen from the private sector over the past four years has been increasing enthusiasm, increasing buy-in for the vision that we are all working towards. 

Take our climate goals, for example.  In year one, President Biden set an audacious target to quadruple U.S. international finance for climate to $11 billion every year. 

When we set that target, we knew that the DFC was going to be central to achieving it, but we didn’t quite realize the extent to which the DFC would create the backbone for our investment portfolio in energy security and supply chain resilience.  And as a result of the heroic work that so many of the people in this room did, we’ve been able to massively accelerate the speed and scale of the clean energy transition to help meet the moment on climate. 

We also recognize that how we invest is just as important as how much we invest, which leads to my next point.  Throughout every PGI investment and every project and everything that the DFC is doing, we’ve focused on quality, not just quantity.  As everyone here knows well, that’s going to make our investments more sustainable over the long run, and it is what sets the United States apart from our competitors. 

And I want to be clear: We’re not forcing nations around the world to choose between us and China, or any other nation for that matter, but we are making sure that there is an option that is high standard and credible and more attractive and impactful than what our competitors might offer. 

And that means ensuring that our investments meet the very highest standards — for workers, for the environment, for the people that they are meant to serve.  It means ensuring that our projects don’t produce unsustainable debt for our partners, debt that prevents them from investing in their own development over time.  And it means ensuring that the progress we’ve helped fuel around the world does not inadvertently facilitate corruption. 

In fact, shortly after he took office, President Biden issued a Presidential Policy Directive that established corruption as a core national security threat, and created the first-ever National Strategy on Countering Corruption.

Now, today is — we’re celebrating the five-year birthday of the DFC.  Today is also International [Anti]-Corruption Day.  And I’m exceedingly proud that four years later, we’ve made good on the President’s directive and given this strategy, to counter corruption, meaning and force so that we can mark and celebrate International Anti-Corruption Day today with stronger regulations, closed loopholes, a record of cutting off money launderers, and taking steps to ensure that our own financial system serves as a check rather than an accomplice to corrupt behavior.  That goes from implementing the landmark Corporate Transparency Act that we helped pass, to tightening regulations in the real estate sector so criminals cannot use the U.S. real estate sector to launder their own dirty money. 

We’ve gone after kleptocrats, criminals, and their cronies who steal from public coffers, including issuing 500 new anti-corruption sanctions.  And we’re working with partners to enable them to advance protections as well. 

But we can’t let up.  Looking ahead, we need to come together on a bipartisan basis to finally pass the ENABLERS Act.  We need to encourage our global partners, like the IMF and the World Bank, to strengthen their own anti-corruption efforts. 

And we need to stay on the balls of our feet, including quickly expanding the investments DFC is making in countries that are experiencing a window of opportunity for governance reform, like we’ve done so effectively in both Moldova and the Dominican Republic.  That is a model for how we can take the fight against corruption, the fight for economic growth, the tools of the DFC, and seize opportunities that lie before us.  And we have a proven track record of being able to do just that. 

And this leads me to the final point I want to discuss today, and that’s where we go from here, what we should be focusing on as we head into the next five years.  Maybe I shouldn’t be the one answering this since I’m leaving, but I will give my advice anyway. 

And I — because I truly do mean “we.”  It’s not just about who’s sitting in this seat in the U.S. government in a particular administration.  It’s about the public sector and the private sector.  It’s about the administration and the Congress.  It’s about Democrats and Republicans.  It’s about all of us.  And I intend to continue to be a partner to this effort, even from the outside. 

DFC is a bipartisan priority.  It was created, as we’ve all noted, under the Trump administration.  It has been strengthened under the Biden administration.  And as we look to DFC’s reauthorization next year, it has to remain a bipartisan priority.  And I think we have to work together to implement a few key reforms. 

First, we’ve got to modernize DFC’s equity program.  As all of you know, appropriation for DFC’s program that invests in companies and projects has to account for each investment, when it’s an equity investment, on a dollar-for-dollar basis, like a grant, instead of recognizing the investment’s value, which is an equity stake in an enterprise and will eventually not just be recouped by DFC but in most cases will earn a return. 

The accounting quirk that we currently have to use — this dollar-for-dollar basis — really limits how much the DFC can invest every year.  Changing the equity program to account for future returns up front would enable the DFC to invest more and invest earlier at the same cost to the U.S. taxpayer.  That would be a game changer, especially in priority sectors like critical minerals and clean energy, where investment at scale is needed. 

Second, we’ve got to increase DFC’s footprint.  Right now, the list of countries where DFC can invest is generally limited, as you all know, by a certain income per capita threshold.  In some ways, this makes sense.  I understand why this got put into place.  Low- and middle-income countries need the development support the most.

But operating based on income per capita alone doesn’t account for other critical factors, like access to finance or vulnerability to shocks.  We can solve this by allowing DFC to mirror the World Bank’s country of operation model.  This would allow the DFC to operate in more countries that need our assistance in more areas.  And most importantly, it will ensure that nations don’t suddenly get cut off once their income per capita goes just slightly above the threshold. 

Finally, and maybe most importantly, most fundamentally, we need Congress to reauthorize the DFC on a bipartisan basis.  Here in Washington, we do sometimes get stuck thinking in two- or four-year cycles. 

But to put it simply, our private sector partners want to know that they can count on us in the long term.  Our allies who are investing with us, like the G7, want to know that they can count on us in the long term. 

And nations around the world want to know that they can count on us, the countries that will be taking our investments, in the long term; that big, quality infrastructure projects they choose to undertake with us will actually be completed, whether it takes 5 years or 10 years or 15 years or more for the kinds of generational investments we want to be making.

Now, to really do that, you need a permanent reauthorization.  That would send a clear signal to all of those audiences: You can count on the United States of America. 

It would create real market certainty and predictability that positions the private sector to help serve the American national interest while making good returns for their investors. 

And it would allow the DFC to focus on what matters: mobilizing capital at greater scale, including through the DFC’s enterprise fund authority; taking on smart investment risks to bring forward projects the private sector wouldn’t otherwise consider; maximizing cooperation with our other development tools, like the MCC or USTDA or USAID; and expanding collaboration with the MDBs like you’ve done with the Inter-American Development Bank. 

Let me close with this:

President Biden often says that our world stands at an inflection point, a point where the decisions we make now will determine the course of our future for decades to come.  In just five short years, the Development Finance Corporation and the work so many of you have done all around the world, including through these larger initiatives like PGI, has set that course on a better path for our nation and for nations around the world. 

Now is the time to keep going, to keep growing, to keep coming together across the aisle and around the world. 

It has been an honor to get to work with you, to be your supporter, to try to be your champion, and also, in the work that I do every day trying to protect America’s national security, be the beneficiary of the work you’ve done to enhance our national security.  And I can’t wait to see what you will accomplish in the next five years and the five after that and beyond. 

So, thank you very much for giving me the opportunity.  (Applause.)

1:17 P.M. EST

The post Remarks by APNSA Jake Sullivan at the DFC 5th Anniversary Conference appeared first on The White House.

U.S. Department of the Interior
Washington, D.C.

1:35 P.M. EST

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon, everyone.  Good afternoon.  Good afternoon.  (Applause.)  

Can we please applaud Sophia?  (Applause.)  (Laughs.)  This is why we know the future is bright, right? 

Please have a seat.  Please have a seat. 

Well, I want to thank everyone for your leadership, for your long-standing friendship, and for the work we have yet to do together. 

Let me say, it is so good to be with Secretary Deb Haaland, who has been an incredible leader, as we know, and such a powerful fighter and a dear friend and colleague to me.  So, I thank you, Deb, for all that you do. 

And to all the leaders who are here today, including all the leaders from California who I have worked with over the years — (applause) — on so many important issues, from protecting the rights of Native children to fighting for the safety of Indigenous women to conserving Native land. 

And I believe, of course, that the bonds between our nations are sacred — they are sacred — and that the federal government has a duty to safeguard and strengthen those bonds, a duty to honor Tribal sovereignty, to ensure Tribal self-determination, and to uphold our trust and treaty obligations.  And I will always fight to build a future of opportunity and dignity for all Native people and all Native communities. 

As vice president, I have had the honor to meet and work with thousands of Native leaders, from young leaders at our extraordinary Tribal colleges and universities, to advocates fighting to protect Native votes and voting rights — (applause) — to union workers in Arizona and Native small-business owners from across the country. 

 And here’s what I know to be true.  Native communities are home to some of the most innovative, skilled, and determined people in America.  And as we all know well, there is an extraordinary amount of ambition, aspiration, and ability across Indian Country; however, what is often lacking is the opportunity to pursue that ambition, aspiration, and ability. 

For far too long, the federal government has underinvested in Native communities, underinvested in Native entrepreneurs and small businesses, and underinvested in Native hospitals, schools, and infrastructure, which is why, over the past four years, we have made it a central priority and it will m- — remain a central priority to address these historic inequities and to create opportunity in every Native community. 

Take, for example, our work with Native small-business owners.  We know that one of the biggest hurdles to Native entrepreneurs is having access to capital.  It’s one of the biggest challenges.  It’s not for lack of a good idea, for serious work ethic, for a plan that actually would benefit the community and meet a demand, but it’s access to capital.

On Tribal land and in many rural areas, the nearest bank is sometimes more than a hundred miles away, making it more difficult for folks to get the resources and support that they need to start and grow a small business, which is why I have worked to expand access to capital since I served in the United States Senate and, as vice president, have made sure we invested over a billion dollars in Native community banks, banks run by people who live in the community and understand — and are in the best position, then, to understand the needs of the community, the capacity of the community in a way that, in particular, other banks may not.  And the impact of that approach is profound. 

 As just one example: Soon after taking office, I spoke with Onna LeBeau, a member of the Omaha Tribe.  (Applause.)  And we had an extensive conversation.  I reached out to her, and — and she understood that, basically, as an executive director of a Native community bank in South Dakota, that the entrepreneurs in the community, many of them just were not being recognized by those who could invest in their work and in their growth.  We talked, for example, about entrepreneurs in the community who make traditional quilts and the challenges that they often face in securing loans, as big banks often don’t fully understand the culture and, therefore, don’t understand the value of the product or service, don’t understand the demand, don’t understand the need — just don’t understand the culture.

But community banks do.  And today, Native community banks are using the billion dollars that we have given them to support Native entrepreneurs, to create jobs, and to generate economic opportunity across Indian Country. 

In Native communities, we have also addressed inequities in health care, which we know is a long-, long-standing issue.  And we have done it with a belief — and I strongly believe — access to health care should be a right and not just a privilege of those who can afford it, that this is a matter — (applause) — and that this is a matter simply about dignity, about allowing people to have a quality of life to which they are entitled, and, in particular, to live without needlessly suffering.

Nearly 3 million people rely on the Indian Health Service for medical care.  In some communities, IHS hospitals and clinics are the only place that folks receive medical care. 

But before we took office, if Congress failed to pass a spending bill and the federal government then shut down, the IHS would stop receiving funding immediately.  Many of you here know that.  And when I was in the Senate, you called me to make sure I was clear about that.  And hospital- — because what we know: Hospitals and clinics across Indian Country would then have to close their doors. 

I worked on this issue, then, thanks to a lot of the leaders here, when I was a United States senator, and I know the profound harm that these closures cause.  In 2018, the federal government — everyone — many here remember that — the federal government shut down for more than a month.  And I still remember the stories: a mother of two who was forced to wait for days for treatment for bronchitis, all the time terrified that one of her lungs would collapse; a 16- — or a 68-year-old grandmother who was forced to delay eye surgery, despite daily pain; and a young man, who was engaged to be married, who lost his life because the opioid treatment center he relied on in his community was shut down.  These are just some of the stories, and they are heartbreaking. 

 So, when I was elected vice president, I was determined to finally deal with this issue and this injustice.  And I am proud to report that for the first time ever, we made it so that IHS will now continue to receive funding even if the federal government shuts down — (applause) — which, of course, means that no matter what happens, people will continue to get the care that they need and deserve.  It’s just a matter of dignity and what is right.  

And to improve health care across Indian Country, we have also taken on the issue — and, again, there are so many leaders here who have been doing this work to take on the issue of maternal health.  Women in America die at a higher rate in connection with childbirth than women in any other so-called wealthy country in the world.  And the latest numbers tell us Native — it was twice as likely.  The current numbers are that Native women are three times more likely than others to die in connection with childbirth.

Three years ago this very month, as vice president, I challenged every state in our country to address this crisis.  And, in particular, I challenged them to extend postpartum coverage under Medicaid from a measly — what they were doing — two months to one year.  I am proud to report that whereas, when I issued the challenge — and I was pretty shameless about it; I really challenged them, right?  (Laughs.)  Like, I was in their face about it.  When I first did it, only three states had Medicaid coverage postpartum beyond two months.  As of today, 46 states offer a full year of postpartum coverage.  (Applause.) Right? 

And there are so many leaders in this room that are behind that work, and I thank you. 

 So — and — and, by the way, those stats tell us that it includes, of those 46 states, every one of the 10 states with the largest Native populations. 

And so, of course, the leaders here know what this means.  It means that now there are thousands more Native women who acc- — have access to a full year of care, from vaccinations to checkups to postpartum depression screenings.  It makes a difference.

And all of this to know what we, again, must always do: fight for the dignity of all people.

To create a future of opportunity and dignity, we must also make sure every person has the freedom to drink clean water and breathe clean air.  Tribal Nations and people have served as responsible stewards of our environment and natural resources for millennia — the original leaders.  And over the past four years, we have then made it a priority to make sure you have the resources to continue your important work of leadership. 

As just one example: Last year, I visited the Gila River Indian Community in Arizona.  (Applause.)  And I was, by the way, the first — well, there was never a president to do it; I’m the first vice president to ever do it in history.  And at Gila River, Governor Stephen Lewis — is he here?  I thought that was you.  Hi.  (Laughs.)  Governor, it’s good to see you. 

GOVERNOR LEWIS:  Love you, Vice President.  Love you.  (Applause.)

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Thank you.  Thank you.  Thank you.  It’s good to see you. 

And we had such a wonderful visit, and — and the governor and I toured the site of a new clean water pipeline.  And for those who haven’t seen it, it’s really a sight to see.  It’s really a sight to see.  The project was proposed by Native leaders and created jobs for Native workers.  And the project will reduce the impact of drought and provide a new source of water that Native farmers can now use to irrigate their fields.

The Gila River project is just one of the thousands that will be supported and backed up by our investment of nearly $2 billion in Native-led climate projects to help clean up pollution and build reliable, clean energy and adapt to extreme weather, all of which will help protect Native communities for this generation and for seven generations to come.

So, I will end with this.  A few minutes ago, I had the privilege to meet with a group of extraordinary young Native leaders.  Where are you guys?  I know you came in here.  Stand up, please.  Just — you all have to stand up.  Come on.  (Applause.)  And we had such a wonderful visit.  I could have just hung out with you guys all afternoon, to be honest.  (Laughter.) 

I’m telling you, our future is so bright.  And I said to these leaders a few things.  I mean, you know, this is just — I guess, for all of us, culturally, we lecture.  I lectured them.  (Laughter.)  I told them what to do.  I gave them advice they didn’t ask for.  (Laughter.) 

And one of the things I said to them is that your leadership and your voice is so important, and we are so proud of you.  And I said to them something everyone here knows: You know, you may many, many times — you will many times be the only one that looks like you in a room, be it a boardroom, a lecture hall, a meeting room, a congressional hearing.  You may be the only one that looks like you in that room.

But you always remember you are not in that room alone, that we are all in that room with you, and that when you walk in that room, we expect and demand that you will walk in that room chin up, shoulders back, carrying the voices of all of us who are so proud that you are there and are counting on you to lead.

And I see in our young leaders such incredible potential.  I see purpose.  I see determination.  I see ambition, which I applaud and must always be applauded.

And here is one of the things I love most about our young leaders: They are rightly impatient.  They are not waiting for someone else to lead.  They are prepared to lead. 

 And so, I say, in the midst of challenges, in the midst of what might sometimes be a profound sense of uncertainty, let us always continue to have faith in our young leaders, in their future, and in our collective future. 

And I thank you all, all the leaders here, for all you have done and all you will do.  And let us continue to fight for the opportunity and the dignity of all people. 

May God bless you.  And may God bless the United States of America.  (Applause.)

                         END                     1:51 P.M. EST 

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East Room

5:03 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT: Hello, hello, hello. (Applause.) Welcome to your house. I know that guy.

Please have a seat.

Thank you so much.

Well, welcome to — to the White House. Good evening to all of you, and I’m delighted to have you here.

And thank you, Kennedy Center President Deborah Rutter. Deborah, where are — where’s Deborah? Stand up. Let everybody know who you are. (Applause.)

To the board chairman, one of the most generous people — men I’ve ever known on everything that’s in need — a friend of mine, David Rubenstein. David, stand up. (Applause.)

When I was getting set up in the — in the president’s suite upstairs where we sleep, I — my — I s- — my brother was saying, “Look, you want to be able to see from your desk — you want to be able to see Rubenstein.” I said, “I beg your pardon?” He said, “The Washington Memorial.” (Laughter.) This guy rebuilt the sucker. (Laughter.) I’m serious. God love you. You’re the best, David. You are.

And thanks to all of you, especially this year’s Kennedy Center honorees.

Folks, for Jill and me — and Jill is not here. She’ll be o- — make it over to the event tonight. But Jill has been dealing with women’s — equality for women’s health research, and she just got back from Abu Dhabi and all — all through Africa and ended up — although, she did go spend a little time in Sicily, because — (laughter) — just a — just a day or so to meet her great-great-grandmothers — parents.

She made fun of me going back on the Irish, you know? (Laughter.) Pat — but I tell you what, I don’t screw around when she’s — gets her Irish — when she gets her Italian up, I don’t mess with her. (Laughter.)

But anyway, you’ll all see her tonight. She’s very mu- — she’s up changing. She just — her plane landed, I don’t know, about an hour and a half ago, two hours ago.

For Jill and me and for Kamala and Doug, this is one of the favorite events at the White House, and I mean that sincerely. And I did it when I was vice president. Did it when I was a senator, as I could.

All around us, we see the power of art and imagination –(coughs) — excuse me for my voice — to capture the spirit of this holiday season, to capture faith. You know, it’s — which is the substance of things hoped for and the evidence of things not seen.

Folks, we see the power of the arts everywhere — everywhere.

A few days ago, I returned from a trip to Angola in southwestern Africa. Historians believe people of Angola account for a significant number of all enslaved people shipped to the United States. I’m the first president to ever visit there.

Today, millions of African Americans have Angolan ancestry.

I spoke at their National Slavery Museum, where, over 100 [400] years ago, enslaved Angolans were baptized into a faith that was foreign to them. Their names were changed against their will. They — they — you know, they c- — and — and they were condemned to a slave ship, bound for what was referred to as the Middle Passage. I saw the artifacts, the shackles, the whips that tortured their bodies.

I also saw something else. I saw folk instruments Angolans used to share their strength and hope and persevere — instruments like those we h- — that they would take all the way across the Atlantic to help them lay the foundation for Black folk music in America. It’s really remarkable how much music has played a role in everything.

Throughout our nation’s history, artists in America have used their talents to inspire and empower, to overcome, to challenge power freely and without fear, and to be a link in memory between the past and the future — it matters — to be the spark to make history and to ensure history is never erased. We have too many people trying to erase history instead of wr- — write history. That power of art is everywhere.

And in America, our freedom of expression sets us apart. Other nations were founded on ethnicity, religion, geography. We’re the only nation in the world — major nation — founded on an idea — an idea, literally — an idea. That idea was we’re all created equal and deserve to be treated equally throughout our lives.

We’ve never fully lived up to that idea, but we’ve never walked away from it either.

In America, artists have made sure we never will. And that’s what we celebrate tonight.

Raised in Queens, New York, the grandson of Italian immigrants, Francis Ford Coppola was once a nine-year-old boy homebound with polio. But with a tape recorder and a camera by his side, his imagination took seed.

Over six decades, he would write, direct, and produce over 70 films, both sweeping epics and deeply personal stories, taking big swings to explore who we are as a nation and who we are as human beings: “Patton,” “The Godfather,” “Apocalypse Now,” “Dracula.” Five Oscars. Fourteen nominations.

Mentoring fellow filmmakers and partnering with his good friend, George Lucas, to pioneer innovations in filmmaking.

Fostering talent before they were stars, like previous Kennedy Center honorees who are here tonight. Robert De Niro. Robert, stand up. I’m a big fan, man. I want everybody to see you. (Applause.) If I get in trouble, I’m coming to you, pal. (Laughter.)

Well, Francis, I’m looking for work in February, so — (laughter) — maybe you’ve got something for me and a Biden-De Niro combination here. (Laughter.) I can’t sing. I can’t act. I can’t dance to a damn thing, but I — I can help you. (Laughter.)

Above all, Francis is about family. He’s joined us tonight by his children and grandchildren, who are making their own mark on American cinema.

For a storied career of independent vision, I say congratulations, Francis, and thank you — thank you, thank you, thank you — for all you’ve done, pal. (Applause.)

Formed in the San Francisco Bay at an inflection point in history, the Grateful Dead have long since transcended 1960 counterculture. Technical virtuosos fiercely dedicated to their craft, they fo- — fused decades and dozens of musical styles to create a willowy new American sound — experimental, innovative, and brave.

Their lyrics tell the story of dreamers and rebels. Their iconic jams are just a performance — they’re not just that, but they’re an ongoing conversation with generations of devoted fans. Hundreds and hundreds of songs. Recorded 59 of top 40 albums — 59. Twenty-three hundred concerts, from Woodstock to Egypt’s Great Pyramids. One of the most popular bands ever to be watched live in concert.

Look, and there’s still a lot of Deadheads around. (Laughter.) (Points at himself.) (Applause.)

No two performances even the same, but their spirit and joy is enduring.

Tonight, we honor Bobby, Bill, and Mickey. Guys, raise your hand. (Applause.)

And we remember those lost (inaudible) along the way, like Ron; Phil, whose grandson, Grahame, is here tonight; and, of course, Jerry Garcia, whose daughter, Trixie, is here. Trixie, where are you? Stand up, Trixie. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, the Grateful Dead. (Applause.)

My youngest granddaughter said, “Pop, what’s the Dead?” I said, “I beg your pardon?” “What’s the Gwateful Dead, Pop?” (Pronounced in an impression of a young child.) (Laughter.)

Anyway, joining them here tonight is another California native, Bonnie Raitt: born and raised in Burbank, the daughter of a famed Broadway singer, accomplished piano player with two musical — (applause) — two musical brothers. Eight-year-old Bonnie got her first guitar as a Christmas gift. The rest is history. Thank you, Santa. Thank you, Santa. (Laughter.)

Over the last 50 years — she’s only 50 now — 13 Grammy awards, 31 nominations. More Grammy performances than any woman in American history. (Applause.)

An inductee to the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame, her music defies genre and blends music of folk, country, rock, and pop.

You know, with infectious beats and soulful lyrics, her sound carries through the highs and the lows of life: time — time and trust, heartbreak and hope, love and loss. That’s Bonnie helping us find healing and light and purpose within and beyond music. One of the all-time greats that inspires fans and follows [fellow] music- — musicians alike.

And I tell you, Bonnie, you’ve had an — fro- — an incredible impact. So, Bonnie, thank you for all you’ve done, not just your music, kid. (Applause.)

When Bonnie picked up that guitar at eight years old in California, there was a young boy more than 2,000 miles away in Cuba. Born to a mechanic and a homemaker, raised in a home with a dirt floor, Arturo Sandoval was 10 years old when he picked up the trumpet, under a communist regime that controlled everything from where people could travel to where — what they could read. His musical talent was undeniable and uncontrollable.

While jazz was thriving in the United States, he spent three months in jail — three months in jail for listening to American legends on the radio. At great risk to he and his family, they fled Cuba for America to live in the land of the free and share his own jazz sounds for the entire world.

Thirty-three albums, 10 Grammys, and an Emmy and the Medal of Freedom — Arturo’s story is the American story: a nation of immigrants, a nation of dreamers, a nation of freedom.

Congratulations, Arturo. God love you. (Applause.) I mean it.

Few places in America captured the essence of freedom more than the Apollo Theater. You know, you walk through those doors of 125th Street in Harlem, New York — you walk into American history. You literally walk into American history.

Opened in the ‘30s as a refuge for Black patrons and performers in a segregated America. Over the next 90 years, it became the birthplace of Black expression — home for the hopeful, school for stars in music, dance, comedy, acting, and so much more, including former Kennedy Center honorees Ella Fitzgerald, James Brown, Gladys Knight, Stevie Wonder. The list goes on.

You know, when there were few places to go, there was “Showtime at the Apollo” — “Showtime at the Apollo.” A big stage, a boisterous crowd, a beacon of what’s possible, shaping a fearless future of equality and inclusion in the nation — you know, one where Black excellence is celebrated, not denied. Reminding us all that Black history is American history, for God’s sake. Black culture is American culture.

For the first time, the Kennedy Center is bestowing this honor to an institution and not an — an individual. For — thank you, Apollo Theater. Thank you, thank you, thank you. (Applause.) Thank you.

Let me close with this. It’s been the honor of my life to serve as your president. And for the final time, Jill and I are honored to represent the presidency, to recognize and respect the power of the arts to literally redeem the soul of the nation, because that’s what you’ve done so many times: redeem the soul of the nation.

So, congratulations on our — to — on our honorees, to your families. I look forward to tonight’s show.

God bless you all. And may God protect our troops. Thank you, thank you, thank you. (Applause.)

5:16 P.M. EST

The post Remarks by President Biden at the 2024 Kennedy Center Honorees Reception appeared first on The White House.

The Ronald Reagan Presidential Library
Simi Valley, California

MS. BREAM:  And thank you, Jake.  I’m glad you made it here this year.  I know you’ve had to cancel in the past, and it’s a very busy time, so we appreciate your time that you were able to make it here today. 

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, thank you for having me. 

MS. BREAM:  Okay, so let’s start with the headlines.  Obviously, minute by minute, there are new advances by rebel forces in Syria.  Did the administration see this coming?  Assad doesn’t seem to have the support he would have 10 years ago from the likes of Russia and Hezbollah and Iran, who have been weakened.  What’s your take on the current state?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, it’s important to start by observing why this is happening, and it’s really happening for two reasons. 

First, Assad has been brutal and repressive to his own people and totally intransigent in terms of actually trying to provide a better life or better future for the people of Syria, and so the people of Syria are fed up. 

Second, Assad’s backers — Iran, Russia, and Hezbollah — have all been weakened and distracted, and so he has not had the support from those three actors that he expected to be able to count on, and has been left basically naked.  His forces are hollowed out. 

And so, while we saw preparations for a rebel offensive, the speed and scale of it and the fact that it’s moving so rapidly through the country, this is a feature of having lost the support of these backers, because each of them — Iran having been exposed and weakened; Hezbollah having been badly degraded by Israel; and Russia being ground down in a war of attrition in the east in Ukraine — none of them are prepared to provide the kind of support to Assad that they provided in the past.  So here we are. 

MS. BREAM:  So the primary group leading the insurgence has been classified as a terrorist group by the U.S.  How worried are you about what comes next?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, it is a source of concern.  I mean, this is a group, HTS, that has been designated by terrorist — as a terrorist organization by the United States, that has had elements affiliated with groups that have American blood on their hands. 

We really think that there are three things we have to be particularly focused on. 

One, that the fighting in Syria not lead to the resurgence of ISIS.  And we are going to take steps ourselves directly, and working with the Syrian Democratic Forces, the Kurds, to ensure that does not happen. 

Two, that our friends in the region — Israel, Jordan, Iraq, others who border Syria, or who would potentially face spillover effects from Syria — are strong and secure, and we’re in touch with them every day. 

And three, that this not lead to a humanitarian catastrophe, both in terms of civilians’ access to lifesaving necessities and in terms of the protection of religious and ethnic minorities in Syria. 

And we’re going to work with all the players in the region to try to make sure that we are accomplishing those three goals which are in the interests and consistent with the values of the United States.

MS. BREAM:  Of course there’s a lot of instability in the region, so how worried are you about this spilling over the borders?  You mentioned those bordering countries there.

MR. SULLIVAN:  It is a concern.  I mean, we’ve seen, obviously over the course of the Syrian civil war, spillovers and refugee flows.  And at its worst, we saw the explosion of ISIS onto the scene, which not only led to the fall of cities in Syria, but the fall of cities in Iraq and pressure on some of our closest partners in the region. 

So, whether it’s from the border with Jordan to the Golan Heights, to trying to maintain a fragile ceasefire in Lebanon, to that long border between Syria and Iraq, these are all areas that we have to pay close attention to, that we have to coordinate closely with our friends on, and stay vigilant to try to ensure that we contain the potential violence and instability, that we protect our friends, and that we ensure that ISIS not get new oxygen out of this that could lead them to become a greater threat to the United States or our friends. 

MS. BREAM:  What about our troops in the region, the impact on them?

MR. SULLIVAN:  So, we have a presence, both in Iraq and in Syria.  That presence in Syria is there to work hand in hand with local partners, to continue to suppress the threat that ISIS has posed, going back many years now.  And we’ve had significant progress in that fight, just even in the last few months.  Major players taken off the battlefield.  Large-scale degradation of those ISIS forces. 

But of course, an event like this happens, and ISIS immediately looks to take advantage.  And we have seen reports of ISIS trying, out in the Syrian Badiya, the desert, to try to reconstitute to a certain extent. 

So we will continue to take action against that.  And we will continue to make sure that force protection, the protection of our service members who are serving at a range of bases in eastern Syria, is the paramount concern from the President on down. 

Now, the threat to those service members is not just from ISIS or from this violence; it is also from Iranian-backed Shia militia groups who themselves could try to take advantage of this. 

And so, we are also doing what we believe we need to do to prepare for, deter, and protect against any potential attacks from that group of actors, which, of course, we have seen over the course of the past few years, and which we, under the Biden administration, have responded to at several points with direct strikes against those forces, both in Syria and in Iraq. 

MS. BREAM:  So, a lot of the conversation this week is about the transition to a new administration, a second Trump administration.  He’s weighed in on social media, as he often likes to do.  I’ll get you to the all-caps part of this post in which he says, “THE UNITED STATES SHOULD HAVE NOTHING TO DO WITH IT.  THIS IS NOT OUR FIGHT.  LET IT PLAY OUT.  DO NOT GET INVOLVED!” 

So, you’ve referenced ways that we could be aware and preparing for the situation, responding as we can.  But what is our role, or isn’t our role, with regard to Syria?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, first I would note — and I was a little bit struck by it — earlier in the post, he said part of the reason this is happening is because of Russia’s war against Ukraine.  And I think he even referenced the sheer scale of the casualties that Russia has suffered in Ukraine, and for that reason, they’re not in a position to defend their client, Assad.  And on that point, we’re in vigorous agreement. 

Equally, the United States is not going to dive into the middle — militarily dive into the middle of a Syrian civil war.  What we are going to do is focus on the American national security priorities and interests.  And I name the three of them that I see. 

The first, critically, is: Do not let this allow for the resurgence of ISIS.  And we are going to take steps to make sure that that happens.  That’s not about the move down the highway from Hama to Homs to Damascus.  That’s about what’s happening out in the east, and we will remain critically focused on it. 

Second, we do have a profound interest in shoring up the security of our partners, and we’ll — in the region: Israel, Jordan, Iraq, others.  We’ll do that. 

And third, we will attend to the humanitarian situation because we believe that we have an obligation to do that.  And frankly, attending to the humanitarian situation, defending religious and ethnic minorities, that was a feature of the Obama policy in Syria, the Trump policy in Syria, the Biden policy in Syria, and I would expect that to continue as well. 

MS. BREAM:  So, it’s a very long post, but you mentioned his wording here about the loss of 600,000 soldiers for Russia and how they’re stretched very thin and tied up in other areas. 

He also, though, in this post, not in all caps, says, “This is where former President Obama refused to honor his commitment of protecting the RED LINE IN THE SAND, and all hell broke out,” and that’s when Russia stepped in.  You were part of that administration.  So how do you respond to that?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, first, I think, you know, going back to the entire set of events that unfolded in Syria, from the outbreak of the civil war through to the Russian involvement, an incredibly complex set of factors came into play.  No one thing led from point A to point B. 

Equally, President Obama made clear he did not want to see the United States directly militarily involved in the middle of the civil war.  That is precisely what President Trump is saying at the end of his post today.  So it seems to me that on that point they agree.

Ultimately, the future of Syria should be up to the Syrian people.  That has been true from the moment this civil war broke out.  It’s been true across multiple administrations. 

What is amazing about the moment we find ourselves in right now, though, is that Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia are all in a position of relative weakness in the Middle East.  And our core security partner in the region, Israel, is in a position of relative strength in the region.  And we believe that the United States has taken steps over the course of the past year, through military deployments, through diplomacy, and through engagement with all of our partners that have helped to bring about this set of conditions. 

Now, there are positives in that, and there are risks in that, and we’ve just talked about some of those risks.  So what we have to do is try to take advantage of those positives and manage those risks as best as we can through a handoff back to the Trump administration in just a few weeks’ time that’s got to be as seamless as possible.  And for that reason, I’m in contact with my successor.  Our Middle East team is in contact with their successors to make sure that we have transparency, coordination, and that the baton gets passed smoothly, because we don’t want to miss anything between January 19th and January 21st.

MS. BREAM:  How is that going, the coordination between incoming and outgoing?

MR. SULLIVAN:  It has been professional, it has been substantive, and frankly, it has been good.  Obviously, we don’t see eye to eye on every issue, and that’s no secret to anybody.  But there is a deep conviction on the part of the incoming national security team that we are dealing with — including my successor, and, on our part, directed from President Biden — that it is our job, on behalf of the American people, to make sure this is a smooth transition.  And we are committed to discharging that duty as relentlessly and faithfully as we possibly can. 

That’s true in every transition, but I think it’s more true in this transition because you have a war in Ukraine that requires a very smooth handoff, you have the ongoing conflicts in the Middle East that require a very smooth handoff, and then, frankly, you have the continuing pacing challenge of China and events unfolding there on a day-to-day basis that requires smooth handoff.

So, the nature of the world we find ourselves in today only elevates our responsibility to be engaged, to talk regularly, to meet regularly, to be transparent, to share, and to make sure it’s an effective transition.  And we are doing all we can to live up to that responsibility.

MS. BREAM:  So, you know, Reagan does a national defense survey every year where they ask people about a lot of these really pressing topics.  In one of them, they were asked about the increased economic and military cooperation between Iran, Russia, North Korea, and China.  Eighty-six percent of Americans have significant concerns about that. 

So how do you answer critics who say this alliance of bad guys has actually gotten tighter and, you know, in a way, more solidified under this administration?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, look, I think there is no doubt that there is increasing alignment among these four actors.  That is true.  And it’s something actually I’ve spoken about, we’ve pointed out.  We have a national security memorandum that we are in the closing phases of pulling together that is memorializing the work we have done within the U.S. government over the course of the past four years, across defense, diplomacy, development, all aspects of American power, to deal with what is an emerging reality. 

But why has this happened?  It has not happened because these countries are so strong.  It has happened out of necessity because these countries are under pressure. 

Russia, under pressure in Ukraine, had to turn to Iran for munitions and North Korea for personnel. 

Iran, under pressure, tried to turn to Russia to get help because its attacks against Israel were defeated and its own air defenses were badly degraded. 

And so — and if you look at China, when we came into this administration, the prevailing storyline was: China will surpass the United States in economic strength by the end of this decade.  Now there’s a lot of people who say it will never happen.  When we came into this administration, serious people said China is going to dominate the future of AI.  Now that script has been flipped. 

So, you look at these countries and the relative challenges that they are facing, all four of them, and then you look on the other side of the ledger at America’s alliances, and they have never been stronger.  NATO is bigger, more unified, more purposeful than ever before, and NATO Allies are paying their fair share.  When we came into office, nine NATO Allies were paying 2 percent; now it’s 23.  And the remaining nine have all committed to get to 2 percent and have a path to do it. 

You look at the Indo-Pacific.  We’ve started AUKUS.  We’ve elevated and institutionalized the Indo-Pacific Quad.  Our alliances with Japan and Korea are at an all-time high, and our trilateral cooperation with Japan and Korea is at an all-time high.  And you just saw the resilience of South Korean democracy after this declaration of martial law and its retraction by President Yoon.

India, the Philippines, Vietnam — we have new partnerships that are dynamic and effective. 

So, on the one hand, you’ve got the American alliance system and the free world strong, vibrant, coordinated, organized.  On the other hand, you do have this increase in convergence, but among a group of actors that is facing serious challenges, serious pressures, and serious strategic dilemmas.  And even within that group, this Russia-North Korea cooperation is not something that sits very well in Beijing.  So there are internal contradictions that are problematic on their side of the ledger that we will continue to look at and see how we can deal with from a strategic perspective going forward. 

The final point I will make: If you look at the hand we are passing off in terms of just the basic foundation of American power at home, our economic and technological engine, arresting the slide in our defense industrial base, diversifying and making more resilient our supply chains — these are steps where we feel that the United States has a foundation of national power domestically that is healthy and strong at a time when the Russian economy, the Chinese economy, and the Iranian economy are all in various states of disrepair. 

So, for all of these reasons, it’s a challenging world.  It’s a complex world.  The post-Cold War era is over.  A strategic competition is underway to determine what comes next.  But America has a good hand to play, and it is a hand that we believe we have made stronger when we pass it off to the next administration. 

MS. BREAM:  I want to go back to Iran, since there’s some news this week.  An intelligence report out from the DNI office this week says that they now have enough fissile material to make more than a dozen nuclear weapons.  And so, when you talk about them being worsened, there are critics who will say sanctions waivers, unfreezing assets and giving them access to that.  It was a top Treasury Department official, Wally Adeyemo, who himself said that if they get their hands on cash, they’re going to use it for nefarious reasons, admitting things are fungible.  And that — you know, the Reagan Defense Survey also shows Americans think it is time for us to actually get tougher with Iran and that this administration hasn’t been tough enough. 

MR. SULLIVAN:  What I find odd about that argument is Iran’s major proxy in the region, Hezbollah, is absolutely weakened, shattered.  Iran’s own capacity to project conventional military capacity in the region has been exposed and defeated directly by the United States, working with Israel and other countries.  Iran’s economy is in absolute shambles, and Iran is nowhere to be found in defending its main client state, Assad, as rebels take city after city on the way to Damascus.

So, is Iran in good shape?  I would say they are not.  Has American policy over the course of the past four years and over the course of the past year contributed to the circumstances Iran finds itself in?  I would submit to you that it has.

Now, the nuclear program in Iran remains a source of immense concern.  President Biden made the same commitment President Trump made and President Obama made, that we will never allow to get Iran a nuclear weapon.  That is a promise we intend to keep till every last day in our administration, and I presume the incoming administration will also do what is necessary. 

They have advanced their nuclear program.  They’ve done so because the nuclear deal that was in place that put enormous restraint on the program was removed by the last administration, and because we haven’t been willing to just lift sanctions to get back into it.  In fact, we have not lifted sanctions.  We’ve imposed more sanctions on Iran over the course of the past four years. 

The Middle East right now is in a period of considerable transformation.  But one thing is for sure: Iran is in a weaker state today than they were when we took office, and that creates both opportunities, but it also does create risks, including the need for us to continue to constrain and deter their move should they choose to make it as a matter of policy towards a nuclear

weapon.

MS. BREAM:  But to be clear, there were some sanctions waivers. 

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, for example, we did authorize the movement of $6 billion for humanitarian purchases, which was a policy of the previous administration that money in certain bank accounts could be spent down by Iran for food, medicine, and other approved humanitarian transactions.  We used that same mechanism that Secretary Pompeo put into place as part of a deal to get American citizens who had been held for years — predating our own administration — in Iran, in part because some of those Americans were getting — were facing significant health challenges.  After October 7th, we froze that.  So those $6 billion were frozen in Qatar; have not, in fact, been used. 

But this President has shown a willingness to take tough decisions to get Americans home.  He stands by those decisions.  And in this case, we actually ended up freezing the $6 billion in place in Qatar.

MS. BREAM:  I want to give you a chance to respond to a critic from within your own party.  This comes from Senator Chris Van Hollen.  He says, in an op-ed piece in The Washington Post, “Nothing will haunt President Joe Biden’s foreign policy legacy as much as his failed policies in the Middle East.  For too long, President Biden has been unwilling to uphold our values and enforce our interests in the Middle East.”  What do you say to him?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, the main point that he was making in that op-ed was that we should have cut off weapons from Israel because of what they were doing in Gaza.  That’s his view.  I would guess that there are many people in this audience who would take the exact opposite view and say, “Actually, the problem with the Biden administration was you paused the 2,000-pound bombs because you were worried about their use in densely populated civilian areas.  You shouldn’t have done that.” 

So we have critics on one side saying you should have cut off weapons — the Van Hollen argument; critics on the other side who said — or you should have cut off all offensive weapons.  Critics on the other side who say you shouldn’t have cut off or paused any shipments of any particular munition.  And this is faced with a very difficult situation where we are going to back our partner to the hill to take out a murderous terrorist organization like Hamas, but we also care about protecting civilians and the humanitarian situation in Gaza. 

We chose a course of making sure Israel had what it needed to beat its enemies, backed up by American power, including American aircraft carriers, fighter squadrons, and other capabilities in the region.  But we were going to take certain steps, like saying, “You do not need to drop 2,000-pound bombs in densely populated areas because you are going to kill too many civilians, and you can take out the terrorists without them,” which Israel has. 

That’s the position we’ve taken.  That’s going to draw criticism.  We’re willing to take that criticism because we believe that we have alighted on a course that has stood up for our ally, has stood against our common enemies, and at the same time has done our best to alleviate the humanitarian suffering in Gaza. 

MS. BREAM:  What’s the latest on negotiations over a ceasefire and getting the hostages out?  Are you hopeful that will help — that will happen on the Biden administration watch, before January 20th?

MR. SULLIVAN:  I have now learned not to use the word “hopeful” and “Middle East” in the same sentence.  (Laughter.)  So, I will not do that.

There are ongoing talks.  We are going to use every day we have an office to try to get a ceasefire and hostage deal in place.  I meet regularly with the families of the American hostages, both those still living and those who have tragically — either were killed on October 7th or, like Hersh, were murdered, gunned down in tunnels during the conflict in Gaza. 

It is just a paramount priority of ours to make this happen, to get this in place.  We’re coordinating with the incoming team on it.  We’re coordinating with the Israelis on it.  I can’t make any predictions about whether it will or won’t happen.  I can only tell you that we’re going to use every ounce of effort and every last hour to see — to try to push this across the finish line.

MS. BREAM:  So when people were asked here in the survey, Reagan Defense Survey, what’s the biggest threat to the U.S., they far and away had China as the number one on that list, followed by Russia, North Korea, and then Iran.  How would you assess that?  Does that line up with what the Biden administration thinks the current threat assessment is?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well — and I think you heard this from Secretary Austin — China is the pacing challenge and threat to the United States for a very simple reason: It’s the only power with the capacity and, frankly, the aim of displacing the United States as the world’s leading military, economic, technological, and diplomatic power.  And we are determined to make sure that never happens. 

And I think if you rack and stack where we are today from where we were four years ago, the picture looks strong from the point of view of the United States’ leadership position in the world, the health of our alliance systems, the health of our economy, the health of our technological advantage, and increasingly, the health of our military capacity, including in areas like the submarine industrial base, which we’ve invested heavily in after decades of decline in that capability, and also bringing new concepts to the fore, like AUKUS. 

So, I think China is the challenge of the next quarter century.  It is a challenge we are prepared for and a challenge that I will be proud to hand off to the next team a strategy that we have been executing against, I think quite effectively, so that America is in a position to succeed in that competition.

MS. BREAM:  Second on the list was Russia.  And of course, with Ukraine, there’s a lot of polling information, too, from the survey about that.  How people think this will end: The largest group said that Russia is going to take some territory from Ukraine, and that’s going to be part of wrapping it up.  What do you think?  How does it come together to an end?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, President Zelenskyy himself has said that this war has to end at the negotiating table, and our job has been to try to put Ukraine in the strongest possible position on the battlefield so that it’s in the strongest possible position at the negotiating table.  And that has required us to mobilize the largest effort of security assistance since the Second World War and flow massive quantities of munitions to Ukraine. 

And they are taking that fighting courageously, innovating themselves, particularly in the drone space.  I cannot predict exactly how the war will end, nor can I dictate to President Zelenskyy or the Ukrainians how it should end.  Our job is to take that 50-nation coalition of countries that we built from scratch and continue to surge capability until we’re out of here. 

And President Biden has directed me, and I have directed all of our agencies in our national security enterprise, to do a massive surge of assistance and to up the economic pressure on Russia.  And if you look at Russia’s economy right now, just in the last few weeks, you’ve seen the warning bells begin ringing much more strongly, and Russia really has mortgaged its economic future.  All of this can help build the kind of pressure that can be put to bear at the negotiating table to generate an outcome consistent with Ukraine’s future as a sovereign, free, independent state that can deter future aggression, backed by its partners like the United States. 

MS. BREAM:  Okay.  And one last chance to answer some critics — again, from your own party — with respect to Ukraine.

Top Democrats like Senators Coons and Blumenthal, Congressman Gregory Meeks over on the House side, they disagreed with hesitation, they say, from the White House, first to provide equipment or materials, but then to limit the use of it.  They say it’s been too little too late with respect to Ukraine.  How do you answer that critique?

MR. SULLIVAN:  Well, first, I very much respect the bipartisan support from the Congress.  But we have spent every dollar that Congress has given to us, and we’ve been waiting for Congress to give us more money, not the other way around. 

So the idea of too little too late, we have surged everything that we’ve had forward.  Now, there are certain capabilities that people have —

MS. BREAM:  The limitations on weapons.

MR. SULLIVAN:  — have mentioned.  I’d identify two that our military raised questions about whether the limited dollars that we had should be spent on them.  One was Abrams tanks.  The other was F-16s. 

When it comes to Abrams tanks, we have sent Abrams tanks to Ukraine.  Those Abram tanks units are actually undermanned because it’s not the most useful piece of equipment for them in this fight, exactly as our military said.  When it comes to F-16s, President Biden authorized the sending of F-16s to Ukraine last May.  It’s now December of 2024, and we’ve had a limited number of pilots train not because we’re not prepared to train them — we are, as many as possible — but because the Ukrainians do not have the pilots to be able to build a full F-16 capability in time. 

So I think this focus on these types of capabilities misses the point, which is this war is about munitions.  And we have surged munitions to an unbelievable degree, as fast as humanly possible.  Air defense capabilities.  And we have gone so far as to take the extraordinary step of asking everyone who buys air defense from the United States: Wait in line; we’re sending it all to Ukraine. 

These were not things that Congress or critics asked of us.  These are things we developed and we did. 

Third was making sure they had cluster munitions and now land mines so they could defend their territory effectively.  Again, critical capabilities they need that we generated; not something that we were being told by critics or Congress or anyone else to do, but stuff we went and did, with some controversy. 

And then finally, on the question of ATACMS long-range strike: The issue there has always been both the size of the U.S. arsenal, the shot volume capable, and here too, when we were able to develop a sufficient number of these to send, we sent them for their use.  And then, when the Russians took certain actions, we authorized their use inside Russian territory, which has happened now. 

But I would just say to everyone: Anyone who thinks that is a silver bullet for this war does not understand what is happening in this war.  It is not a silver bullet.  It’s one additional capability.  But where this war is really being fought is on basic munitions and then the question of manpower, which is something Ukraine has been trying to surge over the course of the past few months. 

At the end of the day, I think when history actually records what we have done predating the war, building the supply line and capacity; what Secretary Austin has done, building the UDCG, 50 nations flowing munitions in; and how we have been able to execute that over the last two and a half years, it is an extraordinary feat of logistics, production capacity, and delivery capability from the United States. 

And first reason Ukraine is where it is is because of the bravery of the Ukrainians.  Second reason is because of the munitions provided by the United States of America.  And I’m damn proud of what we have done to help Ukraine stand up for its freedom. 

MS. BREAM:  Well, in the midst of all of that — (applause) — yes — thank you for taking a break from all of that.  You’re never really taking a break — for giving us a few minutes.  So I’ll leave you with one last question.  What are you looking forward to most as a semi-retired — I don’t know — a congressional spouse?

MR. SULLIVAN:  (Laughs.)  I think I get a pin, actually. 

MS. BREAM:  Oh, okay.

MR. SULLIVAN:  Which would be cool if that’s true.  I’m not actually sure if that’s true or not.

But mainly I’m looking forward to sleeping.  (Laughter.) MS. BREAM:  That’s true.  Well, thank you for taking a break from all of that, and your nap, for us.  Thank you.  (Applause.)

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Roosevelt Room

1:39 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon.  A lot happening in the Middle East.

After 13 years of civil war in Syria and more than half a century of brutal authoritarian rule by Bashar Assad and his father before him, rebel forces have forced Assad to resign his office and flee the country.  We’re not sure where he is, but the- — there’s word that he’s in Moscow. 

At long last, the Assad regime has fallen.  This regime brutalized and tortured and killed literally hundreds of thousands of innocent Syrians. 

A fall of the regime is a fundamental act of justice.  It’s a moment of historic opportunity for the long-suffering people of Syria to build a better future for their proud country. 

It’s also a moment of risk and uncertainty.  As we all turn to the question of what comes next, the United States will work with our partners and the stakeholders in Syria to help them seize an opportunity to manage the risks. 

You know, for years, the main backers of Assad have been Iran, Hezbollah, and Russia.  But over the last week, their support collapsed — all three of them — because all three of them are far weaker today than they were when I took office.  And let’s remember why. 

After Hamas attacked Israel on October the 7th, 2023, when much of the world responded with horror, Iran and its proxies chose to launch a multi-front war against Israel.  That was a historic mistake on Iran’s part. 

Today, Iran’s main territorial proxy, Hezbollah, is also on its back. 

Only 12 days ago, I spoke from the Rose Garden about the ceasefire deal in Lebanon — a deal that was only possible because Hezbollah has been badly degraded.  Meanwhile, Hamas has been da- — badly degraded as well. 

Iran’s own military capabilities have been weakened.  Iran tried two times to attack Israel, and the United States and — built a coalition of countries to directly defend Israel and help defeat those attacks. 

All this made possible for Iran and Hezbollah to continue to prop up — impossible, I should say, for them to prop up the Assad regime. 

Additionally, Russia’s support for Assad also failed.  And that’s because Ukraine, backed by our American allies, has put up a wall of resistance against the invading Russian forces, inflicting massive damage on the Russian forces.  And that has left Russia unable to protect its main ally in the Middle East. 

(Coughs.)  Excuse my cold. 

The upshot for all this is, for the first time ever, neither Russia nor Iran nor Hezbollah could defend this abhorrent regime in Syria.  And this is a direct result of the blows that Ukraine, Israel have delivered upon their own self-defense with unflagging support of the United States. 

And over the past four years, my administration pursued a clear, principled policy towards Syria. 

First, we made clear from the start sanctions on Ira- — on Ira- — Assad would remain in place unless he engaged seriously in a political process to end the civil war, as outlined under the U.N. Security Council resolution passed in 2015.  But Assad refused, so we carried out a comprehensive sanction program against him and all those responsible for atrocities against the Syrian people. 

Second, we maintained our military presence in Syria.  Our counter-ISIS — to counter the support of local partners as well on the ground — their partners — never ceding an inch of territory, taking out leaders of ISIS, ensuring that ISIS can never establish a safe haven there again. 

Third, we’ve supported Israel’s freedom of action against Iranian networks in Syria and against actors aligned with Iran who transported lethal aid to Lebanon, and, when necessary, ordered the use of military force against Iranian networks to protect U.S. forces.  

Our approach has shifted the balance of power in the Middle East.  Through this combination of support for our partners, sanctions, and diplomacy and targeted military force when necessary, we now see new opportunities opening up for the people of Syria and for the entire region. 

Looking ahead, the United States will do the following: First, we’ll support Syria’s neighbors — including Jordan, Lebanon, Iraq, and Israel — should any threat arise from Syria during this period of transition.  I will speak with leaders of the region in the coming days.  I had long discussions with all of our people earlier this morning.  And I’ll send senior officials from my administration to the region as well. 

Second, we will help stability — ensure stability in eastern Syria, protecting any personnel — our personnel against any threats.  And it will remain — our mission against ISIS will be maintained, including the security of detention facilities where ISIS fighters are being held as prisoners.  We’re clear-eyed about the fact that ISIS will try to take advantage of any vacuum to reestablish its capability and to create a safe haven.  We will not let that happen.  

In fact, just today, U.S. forces conducted a dozen of precision strikes — air strikes within Syria targeting ISIS camps and ISIS operatives. 

Third, we will engage with all Syrian groups, including within the process led by the United Nations, to establish a transition away from the Assad regime toward independent, sovereign — an independent — independent — I want to say it again — sovereign Syria with a new constitution, a new government that serves all Syrians.  And this process will be determined by the Syrian people themselves. 

And the United States will do whatever we can to support them, including through humanitarian relief, to help restore Syria after more than a decade of war and generations of brutality by the Assad family.

And finally, we will remain vigilant.  Make no mistake, some of the rebel groups that took down Assad have their own grim record of terrorism and humanit- — human right abuses.  We’ve taken note of statements by the leaders of these rebel groups in recent days.  And we’re — they’re saying the right things now, but as they take on greater responsibility, we will assess not just their words, but their actions. 

And as — we are mindful — we are mindful that there are Americans in Syria, including those who reside there, as well as Austin Tice, who was taken captive more than 12 years ago.  We remain committed to returning him to his family. 

As I’ve said, this is a moment of considerable risk and uncertainty, but I also believe this is the best opportunity in generations for Syrians to forge their own future free of opposition. 

It’s also an opportunity, through far from certain — though it’s far from certain, for a more secure and prosperous Middle East, where our friends are safe, where our enemies are contained.  And it would be a waste of this historic opportunity if one tyrant were toppled and only a — only to see a new one rise up in its place.  So, it’s now incumbent upon all the opposition groups who seek a role in governing Syria to demonstrate their commitment to the rights of all Syrians, the rule of law, and the protection of religious and ethnic minorities. 

These past few days have been historic, and, you know, it’s in the days ahead that will determine the future of a — this country, and we intend to approach them with strength, wisdom, and resolve. 

So, thank you very much.  God bless America.  And God protect our troops. 

Thank you. 

Q    What should happen to Assad now, Mr. President?

(Cross-talk.)

Q    What does the U.S. know about where Austin Tice might be and if he’s safe?

THE PRESIDENT:  We believe he’s alive.  We think we can get him back, but we have no direct evidence of that yet. 

And Assad should be held accountable. 

Q    Have you directed an operation to go get him, Mr. President?

THE PRESIDENT:  Get who?

Q    Austin Tice.

THE PRESIDENT:  We have to — we — we want to get him out.  We —

Q    Yes, sir.

THE PRESIDENT:  — we have to identify where he is.

Thank you.   

1:49 P.M. EST

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Doha, Qatar

Good morning.

Your Highness: It is an honor to be here with you. I have been overwhelmed by the generosity and warm welcome you and the people of Qatar have shown me on my visit. On behalf of my husband, President Biden, thank you for your leadership as Qatar continues to play a vital role in this region—and the world.

And I’m glad to be with so many heads of state and leaders from across the globe here in Doha.

Yesterday, I visited the Qatar Foundation, which has a magnificent view of Education City. Looking out at all of those world-renowned learning institutions, I thought of the incredible minds, cultures, and ideas coming together.

I appreciate Her Highness Sheikha Moza’s leadership in an area we both deeply care about: education.

As First Lady, I continue to teach writing at a community college, and in my classes, we talk about how stories shape our world.

The stories we tell can divide us. They can isolate us, and make us fearful.

But stories can also help us feel more connected to one another and inspire us to join hands in creating a better future.

That’s the story unfolding on the campus of Weill Cornell Medicine here in Qatar.

Innovation through cooperation.

Yesterday, I met a medical student who is studying why the risk of ovarian cancer goes up with a particular gene mutation. Another student is designing a surgical device that can clean the lens of a camera during an operation—without removing it from the patient’s body. That will make surgeries more precise.

It’s promising work.

But what fills me with even more hope is meeting the people who are powering those discoveries.

Students from Qatar—and countries from all around the world—at an American academic institution, located here in Doha, uncovering health breakthroughs that have the potential to improve people’s lives in this region and globally.

This year’s Doha Forum is focused on the “innovation imperative.”

I believe the first imperative for innovation is cooperation—people of all backgrounds and expertise working side by side, creating something better than we ever could alone.

As First Lady of the United States, I’ve had the opportunity to travel the world. From Japan to Ecuador. From Namibia to Ukraine.

Everywhere I go, I’m reminded that our differences are precious—and our similarities infinite.

Still, on those trips, there have been some who ask me why: Why visit a drought in Africa? Why meet with Wounded Warriors in the United Kingdom? Why visit refugees in Romania?

But if we were reminded of anything, during the COVID-19 pandemic, it is this: diseases do not recognize borders. Neither does hunger, poverty, or violence.

We are all connected.

Even when times are tough, we share a responsibility to come together. And whether it’s fighting disease or working for peace in this region, we must bridge divides so that all people may live with dignity and security.

President Biden—my husband, Joe—understands that there isn’t one leader, one government, or one country that can go it alone, not in a world as inter-woven as ours.

The world’s challenges aren’t only ours to endure together. They are ours to solve together.

That can be this generation’s story, one of cooperation, understanding, and opportunity.

Consider climate change. The consequences of extreme heat, droughts, melting glaciers, and typhoons reverberate around the world.

But so too could new technologies with the power to reduce carbon emissions, address water scarcity, and make communities more resilient.

It will take all of us—committing to change, sharing our best ideas, and creating innovations that reach everyone—just as fast and as far as any wildfire or ocean wave.

Another area that’s ready for more innovation is in women’s health research.

Globally, women tend to live longer than men, but we spend almost 25 percent more time in poor health. 

Innovations are happening all around the world to close that health gap. Imagine a blood test—the first of its kind—that can reduce the time it takes for women to get a diagnosis for a debilitating disease like endometriosis. Or think about the benefits of uncovering why Alzheimer’s is more common in women.

This work isn’t just up to scientists and researchers. Governments, academia, the private sector, and NGOs all have to coordinate to make sure the benefits of innovative research reach the people who need them. 

Your Highness: I am here in Doha as part of my final foreign trip as the First Lady of the United States.

In the coming months and years, I will continue to help close the gaps in women’s health research. And the leaders in this room will always have a partner in me to move forward life-saving and world-changing innovations that improve our world.

The imperative to join together is not our burden.

It is our opportunity.

So let us build strong partnerships and innovate our way to better health, opportunity, and prosperity—for all.

A brighter world can be our story to tell.

Let’s write it, together.

###

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East Room

6:48 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Thank you, thank you, thank you.

Please sit down.

I want to get through this real quick.  I’m anxious to see the show.  (Laughter.) 

Secretary Del Toro, Secretary Kendall, Deputy Secretary Bradsher, I — I tell you, you — we’ve got a lot of important people here tonight — and most importantly, to our veterans and their families — and their family and caregivers and survivors, you know, it — I mean this sincerely — it’s truly an honor to be here with all of you on the eve of such a solemn anniversary. 

The attack on Pearl Harbor — as a kid growing up, I heard so much about it, and it changed literally the future of the world and our nation and our own family.  And like so many other brave women and men in our country, shortly after the attack, my mother, who is the number three of — had f- — four — she had four brothers, and they all went down literally the next day, on Monday, and joined the United States military. 

One of them — one of my uncles was an aviator who was killed in the war, and another one was denied because he had a serious health problem.  They wouldn’t take him. 

My uncle Ambrose Finnegan, he joined the U.S. Army Air Corps and a few dozen missions across the Pacific.  And in 1944, during one of those missions, his plane crashed off the coast of Papua New Guinea. 

General MacArthur, who commanded the U.S. Forces in the Southwest Pacific at the time, sent my family a condolence letter honoring my uncle’s sacrifice.  And the general wrote, “He died… serving in a crusade — a crusade from which a better world will all come.”  And I think a better world did come, but because of the sacrifice of so many.

Ladies and gentlemen, that’s — that’s why we’re here tonight: to remember the souls we lost 83 years ago, to honor the brave Americans of the “Greatest Generation” who stepped up to serve every single day that followed, and to recommit to building a better world from which — for which they fought and many of them died, as you know.

How many of you lost someone, one of your family, in World War II?  I know you may —

As my mother would say, God love you. 

As so many of you know, earlier this year, I visited Normandy to honor the 80th anniversary of D-Day and urge people everywhere to make this same commitment that was made then.  I walked along the beaches where the Americans and our Allies turned the tide of that war.  I stood on top the cliff where three hu- — 225 Rangers risked everything to breach the Hi- — the breach Hitler’s Atlantic Wall.  And I prayed at the crosses of men who gave everything to literally save the world.  It wasn’t hyperbole — to save the world.  And I spoke with some of the last surviving veterans from that fateful June day. 

But there’s another moment in particular — another moment in particular that stayed with me.  When I was standing with other European leaders at the cemetery, I saw those veterans — a 99-year-old man who had met President Zelenskyy, because other world leaders were at that function as well.  The veteran told President Zelenskyy, and this is what he said.  He sa- — I remember hearing exactly what he said.  He said, “You are the savior of the people,” end of quote.  Then President Zelenskyy shook this veteran’s hand and said, “No, no, no.  You saved Europe.  You saved Europe.”

It was a reminder that every generation — every generation must defeat democracy’s mortal foes.  Every generation must stand up to the forces of darkness and the forces of division.  And every generation must honor the servicemen and women who dare all and risk all to ensure that freedom endures. 

You know, that’s our charge.  I mean, that’s literally our charge. 

As a nation, we have many obligations.  I got in trouble early on as a young senator when I was 31 years old.  I said we have many obligations, but we only have tr- — one truly sacred obligation.  That’s to prepare those we send into harm’s way and care for them and their families when they return home and when they don’t return home.  It’s an obligation not based on party or based on politics.  It’s an obligation — a promise that unites us all. 

And over the last four years, I’ve worked to make good on that promise every single day.  We brought veterans homelessness and veterans unemployment down to historic lows.  We invested record resources to reduce the scourge of veteran suicide — more people dying of suicide than any other cause in the military.  We delivered more benefits to more veterans than ever before wi- — in all of VA history.  And we all — we all ens- — we ensured all World War II veterans were eligible for VA healthcare.  And we passed more than 35 — 35 bipartisan laws to support veterans and their families. 

That includes the PACT Act, the most significant law our nation — in our l- — nation’s history to help millions of veterans who were exposed to toxic burn pits during their military service.  Not only did it for that generation but for all s- — sub- — all subsequent generations, including all those in my generation exposed to Agent Orange and my son’s generation exposed to toxic fumes coming from those burn pits.  And it matters. 

Let me close with this.  You know, like our ferbear- — forebearers during World War II, we stood at an inflection point.  We still stand at an inflection point where decisions we make now and make in the next four or five years will determine the course of our future for literally decades to come.  It’s not hyperbole — for decades to come. 

And like our forebearers, we owe it to the next generation to set that course on a more free, more secure, and more just path — to do that hard work General MacArthur said those years ago “from which a better world for all will come.”

I want to thank everyone in this room — and I mean it from the bottom of my heart — who dedicated their lives to this nation and to all those who serve today to continue the work of protecting our nation, of defending our democracy, of ensuring that government of, by, and for the people long endures. 

I understand we have a — a veteran here — I don’t see him; I wanted to say hello to him before he leaves — who is 101 years old.  Where is he?  (Applause.)

(The president leaves the stage for a conversation with a veteran.)  (Applause.)   

Okay.  Sorry to hold it up.  (Applause.)

Again, thank you all very, very much.  (Applause.)

6:56 P.M. EST

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The Ellipse
Washington, D.C.

6:14 P.M. EST

THE PRESIDENT:  Merry Christmas, everyone!  (Applause.)  Merry Christmas.  

This Christmas tree lighting is one of my wife Jill’s favorite events, so she truly regrets not being here tonight.  She’s on an international trip in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates and Sicily to — in order to promote women’s health research.  (Applause.)  She sends her best wishes to all of you.

And on behalf of Kamala and Doug — where are you, Kamala and Doug?  You — (applause) — there you go.  Welcome to the — on behalf of them, welcome to the National Christmas Tree lighting.

Thank you, Mickey, all the artists who are performing tonight. 

A special thanks to the Jones family for their service and sacrifice and our military families.  (Applause.)  Tonight, they’ll help light this beautiful Christmas tree. 

Mickey, will you start the countdown?

MS. GUYTON:  All right, y’all.  Let’s count down together, people. 

AUDIENCE:  Five, four, three, two, one!

(The Jones family light the National Christmas Tree.)

THE PRESIDENT:  Whoa!  (Applause.) 

MS. GUYTON:  Merry Christmas!

(A choir sings “Joy to the World.”)

THE PRESIDENT:  Folks, as we gather here in President’s Park just outside the White House, a special thanks to the National Park Service and the National Park Foundation.  (Applause.)  I mean it. 

This 30-foot Red Spruce represents the spirit embodied in this year’s White House holiday theme, which Jill unveiled earlier this week.  The theme is “A Season of Peace and Light” — of peace and light — the peace we feel as we pause and reflect on our blessing and the light — the light we see as we gather with loved ones that cherish our time together. 

During this season of reflection and renewal, many of us will sing “O Holy Night.”  A phrase in the song is, “His law is love; His gospel is peace.”  May [My] wish for you and for the nation, now and always, is we continue to seek the light of liberty and love, kindness and compassion, dignity and decency. 

Merry Christmas, America.  Merry Christmas to all of you.  And may God bless you all.  (Applause.)  And may God protect — may God protect our troops.

Thank you, thank you, thank you.  (Applause.)

6:19 P.M. EST

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Capital Hilton
Washington, D.C.

2:09 P.M. EST

THE VICE PRESIDENT:  Good afternoon.  (Applause.) 

I was — I knew you all were in town.  I couldn’t let it go without coming by to say hello and to say thank you to everyone here, all of these extraordinary leaders.  (Applause.)

I wanted to come by and say happy holidays, Merry Christmas, Happy Kwanzaa, Happy Hanukkah — whatever you may celebrate.  But most important, let’s make sure we celebrate each other.  (Applause.)  Let’s make sure we — please have a seat.  I’m going to j- — be just a minute.  I am not here to give a long speech.  I’m here to give greetings.

But here’s what I want to say.  This is the season for us to be thankful, to celebrate our blessings, and to reinvigorate ourselves about the blessings we have yet to create for each other and the people we represent.  And you all are the leaders on the ground who are doing the work that is about lifting people up. 

You all have heard me say so many times: I do believe the true measure of the strength of a leader is not based on who you beat down; it is based on who you lift up.  (Applause.)  And that is the work that each of you does every day. 

Your work benefits people that, for the most part, may never know your name or mine, people you may never meet.  Yours is the work that is a response to a calling to serve; a calling to sacrifice; to work long hours, to work long days to meet the needs of the people. 

Yours is the work that is also the calling that our country makes that asks of each of us to believe in the promise of America and then do everything we can to help our nation realize that promise on behalf of everyone, no matter who they are, where they live, what they look like.

And so, I wanted to stop by to say thank you for all the support you have given me but, most importantly, for your willingness to answer the call to serve in the way you do. 

It’s going to be an important year next year.  And I know that’s part of what the conference has been about, to think about how we are going to use the limited resources we have to serve the greatest number of people and to lift folks up. 

And so, I am here also to thank you in advance for that pledge that you have made and continue to make.  Our work is so important.  And as we reflect on this past year, let us remember we had impact in every way, and we have taken on the work of building community and coalitions.  That’s what we do and do so well.  And, in particular, that’s what members of this organization do, so let’s stay committed to that. 

But you all are the soldiers on the ground and in the field.  And I know that everyone is here together in fellowship to rededicate ourselves to the work yet to be done and to do it knowing, yes, it will be hard work, but hard work is good work.  Hard work is joyful work. 

And we are up — we are up for the moment to see it through and get it done.  And, yes, we will do it with joy in our hearts and with our commitment to the fight that is about lifting up all people, recognizing everyone’s right to opportunity, to dignity, to freedom.

And so, I wanted to just stop by to say thank you for all of that.  And please enjoy the holidays. 

Take care, everybody.  (Applause.)

                         END                     2:13 P.M. EST

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